Chapter 1075: New Policies and Personnel

Of course, the new policies of the Kaibao era were not limited to agriculture and civil administration; beneath the guiding principle of nurturing the people's livelihood, several additional measures were prominently emphasized.

First, official governance. Beyond continuing to clearly oppose corruption and graft, the court's supervisory system continued to be adjusted, making the scope of authority of the Three Judicial Offices more distinct. At the same time, the duties and powers of officials in other ministries and bureaus of the court were also clarified.

The reduction of redundant officials continued, with the number of clerical staff in the central government and in the various circuits and prefectures being streamlined. Taking county administration as an example, aside from the court-appointed officials who directly governed the people—County Magistrates, Assistant County Magistrates, Registrars, and County Defenders—the number of clerks and servants drawing salaries was also reduced, with various clerical positions adjusted, merging where merging was due and abolishing where abolition was due. At the same time, it was stipulated that small counties would keep their various public clerical staff to no more than fifty persons, medium counties seventy-five, large counties one hundred, and first-class counties one hundred fifty.

The grading of counties in the Great Han continued to be based on population: below two thousand households was small, above two thousand was medium, above five thousand was large, and above ten thousand was first-class. Naturally, a nationwide census and registration of the population was also included among the new policies.

In the selection of talent, the imperial examination system continued to be improved, with practical subjects added, the scope of admission expanded, quotas controlled, and penalties for cheating and favoritism strengthened. At the same time, the standards for nobles entering officialdom through hereditary privilege were raised.

On another front, the system of on-the-job observation for officials continued to be expanded, extending not only to central ministries and bureaus and offices near the capital but also to all circuits and prefectures throughout the realm, with strengthened assessment of officials. Meanwhile, a new salary system was formally promulgated, coordinated with the earlier system of noble ranks, to raise the basic treatment of bureaucrats. After all, in the Qianyou era, Emperor Liu had not exactly been "generous" to officials, and one often heard of officials living in such straitened circumstances that they could barely sustain themselves. Though such cases were a minority, they still offered a glimpse of the situation.

Second, river administration. Both to guard against floods and to keep grain transport unimpeded, the smooth flow of the canal system was a matter of great importance politically, economically, and militarily. Emperor Liu intended, on the basis of the existing waterways and watercourses, to conduct a comprehensive overhaul of the nation's transport canals—a proposal that many had already raised in earlier policy discussions.

This applied not only to the Central Plains and the southeast but equally to the Hebei region. Indeed, even Wu Xingde, the Administration Commissioner of Guanzhong, submitted a memorial requesting that the Dizhu and Sanmen gorges be re-cut. Of course, in river administration, Emperor Liu consistently adhered to one basic principle: do not rush, advance steadily, and act according to one's means.

Beyond digging new channels, dredging, rerouting, and merging waterways, in flood-prone areas, in addition to reinforcing dikes and embankments, the policy of tree-planting continued, with willows densely planted along the banks to stabilize the soil.

Third, military affairs. Emperor Liu was still quite satisfied with the Great Han's military system—the mutual checks between inner and outer forces and the rotation garrison law had been in practice for years and could be considered firmly established—so only minor adjustments were made.

The treatment of garrison troops on the various frontiers was raised. Aside from the imperial army's rotation of frontier duty, local garrison troops were to be rotated within nearby areas. In addition, a nationwide adjustment of military strength was carried out: the imperial army and frontier forces mainly underwent replacement, with the old and weak retired, while local forces were reduced. For the time being, Lingnan and the southeast remained under heavy military control. The soldiers guarding the imperial city were increased to ten thousand men.

More importantly, Emperor Liu put on a show of no longer launching external campaigns, with military affairs focused on defense and the nation devoted to internal development. Of course, this was only a surface appearance—in the short term, there was indeed no intention of large-scale warfare again. The state needed adjustment, the people needed peace; it was merely a matter of reassuring officials and people at home while deceiving the four barbarian neighbors abroad.

After the Great Han achieved basic unification, the light radiating from this rising red sun had already made neighboring states look on with alarm. The Khitan, the Uyghurs, Goryeo, Dali—all these countries vied to send envoys, their apprehension needing no words to express.

As for the other small states and tribes, they came in droves. Even the Wu dynasty of Annam, with which there had previously been little contact, sent envoys to the Eastern Capital, with humble words and lavish gifts, their attitude especially submissive—one might even call it servile and fawning—as they vainly sought to become a vassal and gain the court's recognition.

After the new policies were promulgated, Emperor Liu, before the full assembly of ministers, again spoke frankly, declaring his aspirations and encouraging his officials, urging the sovereign and ministers to be of one mind, to create together a golden age, to protect the peace of the realm, and to bring well-being to the people.

Moreover, the implementation of so many decrees required a corps of capable executors, a large number of competent officials to carry them through. State policies have always been programmatic statements with far too much room for interpretation. From top to bottom, the court means one thing, the circuits and prefectures interpret it another way, and by the time it reaches the counties, it may have been completely distorted. This is precisely why many well-intentioned reform policies ultimately went off track, failed to satisfy expectations, and ended in failure.

Given the court's degree of control over the state—the transmission of information, the connections between center and periphery, and the level of social development—it was inevitable that the court could not govern the realm in finer detail, and it was hardly surprising that such situations occurred.

In those days, given the current court's authority, such extreme cases would not have arisen; even if there were deviations, they would not have been too egregious. Nevertheless, to carry out the new policies as smoothly as possible and achieve the goals as perfectly as possible, a capable leadership group and executive team were still needed.

Therefore, Emperor Liu made another major adjustment to the Great Han's center of power, to welcome the new era and to safeguard the implementation of the new policies.

Wei Renpu was made Director of the Secretariat, remaining Chief Chancellor and presiding over state affairs; Dou Yi, as Minister of Personnel, concurrently held the post of Left Vice Director of the Secretariat and was made Chief Minister; Wang Qiwu, as Minister of Revenue, was made Chief Minister, becoming the youngest Chancellor in the Hall of State Affairs. He and Dou Yi could be considered the backbone of the new policies. Lei Dexiang, though State Finance Commissioner, seemed inferior to Wang Qiwu in everything except age, which was somewhat galling.

The Ministry of Works was now to be headed by Murong Yanchao, with the main task of directing this Imperial Uncle's efforts toward the investigation and management of river works and water affairs. Prince Yong, Liu Chenghsun, was reassigned as Pacification Commissioner of You and Ji and Prefect of Zhending, representing the imperial house in holding down Hebei. Tao Gu stepped down from his chancellorship—someone had impeached him over some misdeeds in Hangzhou—and Emperor Liu sent him back to the Pacification Commission to do his old job. He was probably the least pleased of all.

The Ministry of Justice was now headed by the returned Imperial Uncle Li Ye. Murong Yanzhao, owing to poor health, had repeatedly requested retirement; Emperor Liu permitted him to return home to recuperate but would not allow him to resign outright. The succeeding Minister of War was Zhao Kuangyin, who was transferred directly out of the Bureau of Military Affairs.

As for the Bureau of Military Affairs, there were adjustments there as well. Li Chuyun remained firmly in his position as the Bureau's Chancellor, and the new Deputy Commissioner was An Shouzhong. Han Hui, the Chief Academician of the Bureau of Military Affairs, was promoted and transferred to the State Finance Commission as Salt and Iron Commissioner.

Judging from Emperor Liu's appointments of Wang Qiwu and An Shouzhong, the civil and military officials who had once served before the imperial presence had gradually become the backbone of the Great Han court.

As for positions in the imperial army, no major adjustments were made. Xiang Xun, Gao Huaide, and Han Tong continued to oversee the three commands—the Imperial Guard, the Palace Command, and the Patrol Inspectorate. However, Yang Ye was transferred to serve as Deputy Chief Commander of the Palace Command, Liu Tinghan was appointed Chief Inspector of the Palace Command, and Wang Shenqi became Chief Inspector of the Imperial Guard.

On this basis, Emperor Liu again selected more than thirty officials of various ranks from the Hanlin Academy, the Censorate, the Ministry of Justice, and the Pacification Commission, dispatching them to the various circuits and prefectures as court Policy Promotion Envoys, to guide and publicize the Kaibao new policies, while also bearing part of the supervisory responsibility.

At the same time, the question of the Great Han's current administrative divisions had also reached its final implementation stage. How to redraw the boundaries of this vast empire had been under deliberation for some time.