Chapter 1560: The Liangguang Campaign

The thirteenth year of Kaibao (975), summer, the sixth month.

After returning westward from the Fengshan sacrifices at Mount Tai, Emperor Liu chose to rest in Kaifeng, and this "rest" had lasted over two years. Kaifeng had naturally become the de facto capital of the Great Han, after all, the core of court power was all there, and all military and political orders emanated from the Bian Palace.

This naturally had no small impact on the two eastern and western capitals. Wherever the court was located, it brought with it enormous economic demand, and for a commercial city like Kaifeng, this was an immense stimulus.

Thus, in these two years, Kaifeng's economy and culture had experienced another surge, even driving a wave of population return. Of course, the scale was not as massive as when the capital had been relocated westward to Luoyang.

Back then, because of the court's relocation, many scholars, commoners, merchants, and artisans had followed in the footsteps of the powerful and elite, crowding into Luoyang, causing Kaifeng—which had long since surpassed one million in population—to drop to under eight hundred thousand within a few months.

According to the crude and incomplete statistics of the Luoyang prefectural government, in that westward court relocation, over three hundred thousand people had filled into the Luoyang region, allowing the millennium-old ancient capital to once again regain the former splendor of a great dynasty's imperial seat.

This time, however, the common people's reaction was comparatively more rational; they did not rush to follow the wind, because no one knew when Emperor Liu might again choose to return to Luoyang.

Up to now, the Great Han treated both capitals as important, but still took Luoyang as primary and Kaifeng as secondary. Moreover, relocation was no easy matter, and ordinary scholars, commoners, merchants, and artisans did not have the means to toss about following the court.

In the past two years, Emperor Liu had fully complied with his earlier reflections, causing no disruption whatsoever, staying put peacefully, restraining himself, taking the stability of the realm as the foremost priority, recuperating and building strength, and continuing development.

The results were naturally good. Since the Kaibao northern expedition, the fiscal straits that had plagued the court for six years had finally been alleviated, thanks to the substantial tax revenues from commerce, salt and iron, wine and tea, and silk and cloth.

Of course, domestic public order remained stable, the commodity economy developed further, and popular vitality grew day by day. In this overall environment, the ones causing disturbances were still the various frontiers.

In the Liangguang region, with the court's strong support, the local authorities carried out a rectification campaign targeting problems left over from the Southern Yue period, lasting three full years.

Under the leadership of military and civil officials such as Zhong Mo, Fan Min, Qin Zaixiong, and Tian Qincuo, large numbers of bureaucrats, powerful magnates, and landlords from the Southern Yue period were called to account.

In total, several hundred households were confiscated, several thousand people arrested, and tens of thousands died. Of course, when reported to the court, it was merely a string of numbers.

This was not a political strike devoted to harmony and stability. On the contrary, because of the court's hardline and even brutal actions, it provoked massive unrest. That string of numbers came about precisely because the court felt the local backlash—the more fiercely the resistance, the more mercilessly the court suppressed it, for this precisely proved the court's concern that its past rule over Liangguang had not been secure.

For as long as two years, Liangguang's external communications were severed. After receiving authorization from the central government, the Liangguang region closed its doors, swept its courtyards and stoves clean, and only after two years did it reopen its doors to welcome guests.

Of course, the disturbances in Liangguang never built up much momentum; they could not compare with the great Wuyue rebellion of those years, let alone the Chuanshu unrest of that time. From beginning to end, they were kept tightly contained—the local authorities' preparations were too thorough, and their methods sufficiently forceful.

In comparison, it was the local barbarian tribes colluding with those "rebel" elements that caused no small damage, and they were also the primary targets of the local garrison forces.

For the Liangguang region, these three years had witnessed a great social transformation. The power and wealth structures inherited from the Southern Yue period were thoroughly destroyed from outside by the Great Han court—a change as earth-shattering as heaven and earth being overturned.

Yet, if one truly asked what had changed, actually nothing had. Large numbers of old officials were toppled, and an endless stream of new men took their places; old landlords and magnates were liquidated, and a new batch of forces was brewing anew. The only difference was that, besides the upper classes eating meat and drinking soup, large numbers of common folk at the bottom also got some scraps, such as land.

But from the perspective of strengthening the court's rule over the Liangguang region, the goal had been achieved. At least in the past three years, administrative efficiency in Liangguang had reached unprecedented heights; orders from above reached below without the slightest obstruction or delay, and the new beneficiaries of interests were closer to the court and more firmly under its control.

At least, that was how the lords at court felt, and Emperor Liu also felt that the fog that had hung over Liangguang had dissipated, as if he could see a brand-new, clear and bright world.

But it must be said that the turmoil in Lingnan had dealt an extraordinarily heavy blow to Liangguang, especially to the economically developed areas centered on Guangzhou Prefecture, where the political campaign had caused severe economic decline.

The overland trade routes were cut off for nearly two years, and large numbers of foreign tributaries and maritime merchants traveling by sea, out of fear and hesitation, chose to pass by the ports without entering, traveling several hundred or even a thousand li more to do business in Fujian and Liangzhe—for no other reason than that those places were more stable.

The court naturally had some understanding of the actual situation in Liangguang. Therefore, after Qin Zaixiong annihilated the last band of barbarian rebels daring to resist in Guangxi, the recovery and development of the entire Lingnan region was put on the agenda.

It began with personnel adjustments. Zhong Mo was transferred out of Guangdong and called to the capital to head the Pacification Commission. This southern minister, through years of steady, hardworking, and loyal service, had long since shed the label of "surrendered official." Being called to the capital to serve as the head of a powerful ministry department was also a kind of final, conclusive affirmation and acceptance.

Fan Min stayed behind. This son of Fan Zhi was indeed a capable man—able to govern the people, able to suppress unrest, and with a fairly good official reputation. Upon learning of his performance, Emperor Liu was most approving.

Because he had once served as Prefectural Administrator of Yongzhou, Emperor Liu directly selected him by name and transferred him back to Guangxi to serve as Guangxi Administration Commissioner. The governance of Guangdong, meanwhile, was placed in the hands of Chancellor Wang Qiwu, sent out to preside over it.

Tian Qincuo was also transferred away—and it was an urgent transfer. He was sent to the northeast to serve as Patrol Inspector of Haidong, in charge of the campaign to attack and exterminate the remnants in the old Bohai lands. This sort of work suited him well.

This man's reputation at court was already thoroughly ruined, all because of his love of killing and indiscriminate slaughter. Back when he was in Annam, that was one thing—no one sympathized with those natives or regarded them as human beings.

But Guangdong was different—the people there were all fellow countrymen. Yet his methods remained unchanged. In commanding his troops through arrests and pacification operations, aside from killing, he had no other more flexible means of handling matters. Calling him a butcher was not the slightest injustice, and the intensification of contradictions in Guangdong owed a "credit" to him as well.

Not only did he love killing, he was also somewhat greedy for wealth, and had taken the opportunity to stuff his official purse full in Guangdong. Thus, during the three years Tian Qincuo served as Guangdong Chief Commander, impeachments against him never ceased.

It was not until the Liangguang affair entered its concluding phase that Emperor Liu finally took a clear stance—the transfer to the northeast was the result. Compared to the warm and prosperous Guangzhou, those old Bohai lands and the Haidong flourishing state were entirely poor, remote, bitter-cold, primitive, and uncultivated, surrounded by unenlightened savages. It could well be called a demotion.

But Tian Qincuo probably also knew that his past conduct had been somewhat excessive. Compared to the "heinous crimes" described in the censors' memorials, such a transfer was extremely lenient.

Therefore, although somewhat disgruntled, he still went north to take up his post with tears of gratitude. Moreover, the court showed no intention of auditing the wealth he had "earned" in Guangdong.

A man like Tian Qincuo, if used well, was indeed a good blade. Employed in the northeast, he could just display his abilities—when it came to dealing with native barbarians, he had far too much experience...

There, after biding his time for over a year, the Han army finally marched out of Huanglong Prefecture and launched its campaign of conquest across the entire northeast region. Compared to the thunderous activity in Liangguang, the Han army's operations in the northeast were far more steady—and far more dull.

From beginning to end, the difficulty was not in capturing territory and cities, but in how, after occupation, to establish reliable governance, consolidate it, and maintain it.