Chapter 953: Influence

The army entered the city in a triumphant ceremony, displaying military might to the people of the Eastern Capital, the common folk of the realm, and all the various states and powers, showcasing their magnificent achievements. The northern expedition against the Khitan was a major event of the Qianyou era, and achieving complete success made it the most glorious and most satisfying victory the Central Plains empire had won over the steppe dynasties in decades.

Regardless of whether the process was easy, what twists and turns it involved, or how severe the price paid was, upon returning in triumph, this achievement deserved to be celebrated at length and tirelessly proclaimed, to boost the people's confidence and consolidate the court's rule.

While the Emperor was still strolling slowly through Hebei, Kaifeng was already preparing. The various regional powers that had submitted in friendship all received invitations and responded in kind, arriving with lavish gifts. Qian Hongchu, the King of Wuyue, was a relative of the imperial house—the brother-in-law of Prince Yong, Liu Chenghsun—and this time he actually came to the Eastern Capital in person to pay tribute. This was his first time doing so since succeeding to the throne.

Even Wang Zhao, the King of Goryeo, who was still busy suppressing a rebellion, prepared some rare local treasures and sent envoys to offer congratulations. Wang Zhao was genuinely delighted that the Great Han had defeated the Liao army. This internal rebellion in Goryeo, which did not exist in official history, was fundamentally caused by Wang Zhao's reforms, which had seriously harmed the interests of meritorious officials and powerful magnates. But on the surface, it was because Wang Zhao had wanted to send those dissident elements to fight the Liao that disaster arose.

Because of previous interactions, the court maintained a stance of recognition toward the Goryeo royal house and supported its suppression of the rebellion. With the support of the Central Plains court, Wang Zhao had confidence, and raising high the banner of righteousness, he mobilized troops to put down the revolt.

To be fair, Wang Zhao was indeed a capable monarch with a strong hand. At the same time, as the Great Han continued to grow stronger and once again made its voice heard in East Asia, the impact on a small regional state like Goryeo was considerable. Thus, with the court's backing, Wang Zhao's pacification campaign went smoothly—the rebel forces were already in decline, and their destruction was not far off.

This time, the envoys were sent for two purposes: first, to express gratitude, and second, to offer congratulations. At the same time, they felt schadenfreude over the Liao army's defeat. The Khitan had risen in the north and nearly unified the entire northeast. And Wang Jian's unification of the peninsula to establish Goryeo happened at roughly the same period. With such a powerful enemy at their side, how could Goryeo feel secure?

Especially after the fall of Balhae, the Khitan's military edge was not far from Goryeo at all. If not for the Ding'an Kingdom to the north drawing their attention, and the increasingly powerful Great Han dynasty, the Khitan might well have turned their attention toward Goryeo.

Of course, Liu Chengyou did not place that much importance on Goryeo, nor did he have the energy to focus on it. Although he harbored a natural aversion to small peninsular states, it was not enough to affect his grand policies. For a long time to come, his approach toward Goryeo would remain one of winning them over and keeping them close.

When he was in Youzhou, Luo Yangui had been sent by Liu Chengyou as an envoy to Goryeo. After returning, he reported to Liu Chengyou that Goryeo's military was fairly numerous, with over a hundred thousand troops, but their military system was incomplete, discipline was lax, equipment was crude, and combat effectiveness was weak.

It could be said that Luo Yangui held Goryeo's army in very low regard, but no matter how weak, an army of over a hundred thousand was still a formidable force. On the other hand, Luo Yangui had a rather favorable assessment of King Wang Zhao of Goryeo, saying he was diligent in governance, decisive in judgment, forceful, and resolute.

Among the reactions of the various powers, Liu Chengyou was more concerned about the few remaining separatist regimes to the south. Wuyue needed no further discussion—it had always followed the lead of the Central Plains court, and after the marriage alliance, exchanges continued to strengthen. This time, their initiative to come to the capital demonstrated their obedience and submission.

Liu Congxiao, the Military Governor of the Pinghai Army, was also coming to the Eastern Capital for the first time in over a decade. Back then, when the Southern Tang destroyed Min, it turned out to be a joke—a loss that outweighed any gain. Min's territory was not extensive to begin with, but due to mishandling, Wuyue ended up occupying Fuzhou, while Quan and Zhang were carved out by Liu Congxiao. The Southern Tang expended vast amounts of troops, horses, money, and grain, only for the choicest regions to be taken by others. The Southern Tang only gained the Jian and Ting areas, and later elevated Yanping Army to Jianzhou, which was like covering one's ears while stealing a bell—a face-saving measure...

Speaking of Southern Tang's history, in the early years of Li Jing's reign, he could be said to have accomplished much, expanding territory. But the results were all rather dismal. The destruction of Min at least had something to be said for it, but the pacification of Chu was a complete disaster—repeated setbacks, and the north of the Yangtze was completely lost. Judging by outcomes rather than intentions, one could say that the Southern Tang's aggressive adventures actively brought about its own ruin.

Liu Congxiao had originally been appointed by Li Jing as Military Governor of the Qingyuan Army, maintaining nominal rule over Quan and Zhang on the surface. But last year, Liu Congxiao sent his son to court, and the son returned bearing an appointment document for "Military Governor of Pinghai," which was effectively a declaration that the two prefectures of Quan and Zhang had thrown in their lot with the central court. This time, Liu Congxiao came in person, fully demonstrating his sincerity.

Also for the first time, Li Yiyin, the Military Governor of the Dingnan Army, came to court on this occasion. Compared to other powers, the Tangut understood better how formidable Liao was, having deeper daily contact with them. Toward the Han army that had thoroughly defeated the Liao forces and fully recovered Youyun, their fear could hardly help but surge.

However, Li Yiyin's coming was also related to the Han army's subsequent actions in the Hetao region. Li Wanchao led five thousand infantry and cavalry westward, fought three consecutive battles, and on the north bank of the Yellow River completely routed Yelu Xian's army, reoccupying Hetao and rebuilding Jiuyuan.

The actions of Li Wanchao's army were only a further blow to Liao, with limited force, but the impact on the Dingnan Army was enormous. In this way, the Tangut forces found themselves surrounded and watched by the court on all sides.

Pressured by the situation, Li Yiyin could no longer sit still and finally deigned to move, making the journey to the Eastern Capital. Once Li Yiyin moved, Gao Shaoji followed along. The grudges and struggles between the two parties were truly a grand drama.

Thus, the triumphant return of the Han army marked the first gathering of "heads of state" since the founding of the Great Han.

These people came to court voluntarily, but there were also those who refused the invitation, greatly displeasing the Han court. Presumably to maintain the bond between the two sides and preserve the relationship between suzerain and vassal, Liu Chengyou specially ordered the Eastern Capital to issue an edict inviting Li Jing, the sovereign of Jiangnan, to come observe the ceremony. This was the second invitation—the first had been during the tenth-anniversary celebration—and likewise, Li Jing declined once again this time.

Claiming illness was a convenient excuse, but this time Li Jing was not faking it—he was genuinely ill. Facing constant military pressure from the north year after year, the resurgence of factional strife at court, the succession question that had always plagued him, and compounded by the imperial family's mutual slaughter a year earlier, when a nephew killed his uncle—under all these blows, Li Jing's health deteriorated day by day.

Of course, in facing the court's invitation, fear was still the dominant factor. Because the great war between Han and Liao raging in the north had its deepest impact on the Southern Tang among all the southern states.

Yelu Jing had released the envoys that Li Hongji had contacted and sent people to accompany them, inviting Jinling to dispatch troops. In response, the Jinling court engaged in another round of debate and wrangling. Han Xizai, who had been somewhat suppressed over the matter of the deposed Crown Prince Li Hongji, directly suggested taking advantage of the Han army's inability to look south, concentrating forces for a northern campaign to retake Huainan, and he gained the support of a group of generals in the military led by Lin Renzhao.

Feng Yansi, Zhong Mo, and other ministers were firmly opposed. Their reasoning was simple: the outcome between Han and Liao was still undecided, Li Gu had already deployed defenses north of the Yangtze, and a rash attack might not achieve results but would certainly provoke the Northern Han. Better to stand by and watch, wait for the outcome, and then act accordingly.

The debate over whether to send troops alone lasted a month and a half without reaching any conclusion. Of course, Li Jing leaned toward the latter option. Through years of continuous failure and blows, he had long lost his ambition; muddling through was his true state of mind.

Later, Zhong Mo took the opportunity to raise the matter of establishing the Crown Prince, once again diverting the Jinling court's attention. Moreover, this time Zhong Mo openly declared his support for Zheng Wang Li Congjia, having long since seen that the other candidate was not a suitable heir...

It was not until news of the northern war situation arrived one after another that the Jinling court became less animated. Lin Renzhao, the leader of the war faction, was transferred away from Runzhou to Hongzhou to strengthen Nanchang's defenses and incidentally guard against the Yue state. The little energy Li Jing had left began to focus on cultivating Li Congjia. After Li Hongji, Li Congjia was the eldest among Li Jing's sons. On the question of establishing the heir, Li Jing no longer dared to waver and directly settled on this sixth son.

Perhaps it was precisely his vacillation toward the court that made Li Jing uneasy, and so facing the invitation from the Eastern Capital, he simply did not dare go.

Then there was the Yue state. The current sovereign of Yue had already changed—Liu Sheng had died of illness last year, and the one who succeeded him was Liu Chang, the notorious fatuous ruler and tyrant of the "Five Dynasties and Ten Kingdoms" period.

This man was quite arrogant. After succeeding to the throne, he neither reported to the court nor sent envoys to explain himself. He also did a few major things—following his father's example, he slaughtered his brothers clean, continued to heavily employ eunuchs, and began the infamous policy of "eunuchs ruling the state," after which he settled down to enjoy himself in comfort...

As for the changes in the northern situation, he neither cared nor paid any attention.