Chapter 400130Chapter NaN

September 12, 1940

Berlin, Northern Germany, Government Complex

After taking Venice, the German Army pushed back the Italian army with astonishing vigor, advancing westward to engage in a siege battle around Milan. Even though their opponent was the Italian army, famous for its weakness, the momentum was undeniably incredible.

Once Milan falls, Italy will lose all its core cities north of the Po River. Since this is also Italy's main industrial region, they can be considered almost neutralized.

To think that this was the power of the German Army led by Manstein, free from Hitler's interference and supply problems. Honestly, I'm surprised every time I read the combat reports.

And we, having received the promised funds from Britain, agreed to form a joint front not only on the French front but also against the Soviet Union later on, and formed the Allied Powers.

For me, who knows the original history, the formation of the Allied Powers by Britain and Germany was an unprecedented event, yet the international community saw Germany as the center of the alliance.

Of course, it was partly because Britain was being beaten senseless, but seeing all my diplomatic efforts bear fruit, I was on the verge of crying from emotion.

"The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is in an uproar."

"Haha, you can say that again."

Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs Erich Kordt smiled awkwardly.

Under the Nazi regime, when Germany was an international pariah, the Foreign Ministry had been quite idle, but now it was busier than ever.

Until now, Germany had moved very cautiously, having to deal with the fallout from being the defeated nation of the Great War and the antagonism Hitler had built up, but as the center of the Allied Powers, it was now being actively contacted.

The first to request to join as soon as the Allied Powers were formed was the Republic of China. They had been in the middle of the Second Sino-Japanese War for quite some time, so it was not unreasonable for them to side with the Allied Powers the moment Japan declared war on Britain.

Germany, too, had been an ally to the Republic of China before Hitler pulled out to get on Japan's good side, and we had contacted Jiang Jieshi's Nationalist Government to purchase tungsten when Spain briefly cut off its exports.

Unfortunately, the distance was great, and soon after, the war broke out, making it impossible to guarantee the safety of India and the Burma Road, so the transaction had to be a one-time deal.

Fortunately, Jiang Jieshi's Nationalist Government seemed to be quite desperate, as they sent a considerable amount of tungsten in that one go and received a significant amount of our equipment in return. I can only hope that Falkenhausen's military advisory group and Rabe's civilian support group, currently in China, are being of help.

In the midst of this, something caught my interest.

"The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, under the Republic of China, is requesting talks with us. It appears to be a sort of government-in-exile for a Japanese colony in the Far East."

Well, this is something else.

Hearing this while in a German's body feels strange. I took the telegram Erich Kordt handed me and read it.

The person who wishes to visit is Syngman Rhee.

Well, who else but him would be in charge of diplomacy over there? His personality aside, a diplomat of his caliber is rare in Korea.

"Hmm. For this one, let's reply that we'll contact them after assessing the situation."

"Understood."

Erich Kordt agreed without a word.

After all, from a German's perspective, it would be stranger to be interested in the government-in-exile of some obscure country in the Far East.

As for me, I do intend to help them if the opportunity arises, but not yet.

It's not like we have the spare capacity to project our power over there right now-

It's also a bad move to bring up the liberation of colonies when India is currently rioting for independence, which would displease our key ally, Britain. And I doubt Jiang Jieshi, who secretly intends to make Korea a satellite state, would be pleased to see the Provisional Government directly communicating with the Allied high command.

Of course, I'm not an imperialist, nor does Germany have any colonies. The colonial empires must fall, but at least not now.

Now is the time to focus on the European front, so it's better to be content with supporting the Republic of China for now. Germany is the friend of the staunch imperialist, Churchill.

…For now.

Following Britain's lead, the Commonwealth nations also joined the Allied Powers and entered the war, but honestly, it was uncertain how much help they would be.

It's better than nothing, but for those who remember the nightmare of Gallipoli, it's anyone's guess how actively they will fight for a reeling Britain.

That part is not something Germany can interfere with; it will be up to Churchill.

"What do you plan to do about Poland and Finland?"

"Honestly, I'd like to let them join right away."

Poland and Finland, currently at war with the Soviet Union, have also expressed their intention to join the Allied Powers.

For them, it is a desperate necessity, but the problem is-

Putting aside the already tattered Italy, if we accept them here, it would be openly giving justification for the signing of a France-Japan-Soviet Union alliance.

They are cooperating secretly, but it's only unofficial cooperation based on the interests of their leadership.

Since they are ideologically in clear opposition, the difference between signing a formal alliance and not is huge.

Putting other things aside, the alliance between Japan and the Soviet Union must be delayed as long as possible.

If Japan forms a formal alliance with the Soviet Union, Japan's chronic resource shortage problem will be completely solved.

And the atmosphere within Germany is also a problem.

"Public opinion, the Army, the Cabinet… especially my father and the Minister of Defense, do not want an alliance with Poland yet. We must first focus on the French front, so we have no choice but to ask for their understanding and put it on hold."

"I suppose you're right."

The public is unlikely to be pleased about declaring war on the Soviet Union for Poland when we're already at war with France and Italy.

My speeches and the Propaganda Ministry's efforts are having an effect, so there's no choice but to finish off France as quickly as possible and sway public opinion further.

At least, thanks to finally squeezing out the promised funds from Britain, we were able to increase our military aid to Poland.

The problem is that as my father increased military aid, he attached the condition that we must secure the former territory of Upper Silesia from Poland when we enter the war against the Soviet Union.

I believe we must keep the Sikorski government alive, but most of the Cabinet, aside from the Foreign Ministry, has an attitude of indifference toward the Polish government, which is a headache.

How can they stand by and let a verified negotiating partner be ousted, not knowing what crazy act the new Polish government that replaces Sikorski might pull?

The lack of a grand strategy is a German tradition, but still, this is Bismarck's country; I wish they understood at least a little bit about grand strategy.

"The other matters aren't too difficult, but these are the problems."

Erich Kordt showed me two unofficial telegrams that had arrived for me.

Honestly, these are a bit awkward for me too…

The first was a request for a secret meeting from Italy's Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee.

They want to discuss the democratization of Italy after Mussolini's expulsion and surrender, and there's no problem in meeting them just for that.

The second one was the problem. Prince Paul, acting as regent for the young King Peter II of Yugoslavia, had similarly requested a secret meeting with us, and its content was-

"A discussion on the treatment of Italian occupied territories, I see."

Thanks to Mussolini's ambitions, Italy has steadily expanded and holds several lands belonging to the peoples that make up Yugoslavia.

The Istria peninsula, Zadar, and other port cities and islands. There is also Albania, though it is not Yugoslavian territory.

That damn powder keg of Europe, the Balkans, is so messy with its ethnic composition and territorial disputes that I honestly don't want to get involved.

That's precisely why we coolly gave up the Istria peninsula, which was formerly Austrian territory.

The path to the Mediterranean is quite an appealing point, but getting entangled with the even messier nationalism of those damn Balkans was a bigger problem.

The nationalism of that region was a cause of the outbreak of World War I, and it just doesn't add up to hold onto a coveted region where a civil war could break out at any time.

Even more so since I know that in the future, the Yugoslav Wars will break out and turn the place into a wreck.

"They have many former territories held by Italy. With Italy collapsing, they probably want to get a piece of the action. But to refuse them so coldly… they are an important trading partner of ours."

Yugoslavia is an important trading partner that exports bauxite, the raw material for aluminum, copper, and also agricultural products that are always in short supply in Germany.

It's not essential anymore, as long as we can trade with America, but it's still a country that's good to be on good terms with. If only it weren't a time bomb, I wouldn't have to think twice.

"That's right. But if we were to take sides, it seems only one of the two would be possible."

Do we side with the Italian democrats, end the war across Italy quickly with lenient conditions, and aim to make Italy a pro-German nation?

Or do we make Italy pay the price of a defeated nation, tear it apart, and get a reward from Yugoslavia?

Just a year ago, I was fiercely agonizing over how to avoid Germany's ruin, and now I'm having such luxurious dilemmas.

"It seems we'll have to hear both sides and consult with the Foreign Ministry on this. Please schedule an appointment with the Minister."

"I will do so."

For Germany, which had fallen in World War I, to regain its status and exert influence on the world thanks to World War II, no matter how much history has changed, this is truly ironic.

"Ah. Have you heard, Vice-Chancellor? His Imperial Highness the Crown Prince is returning home soon. He's coming with representatives from the Boeing Company in America."

"Oh, that is welcome news."

Boeing.

Maybe they can help improve Germany's damn spontaneously combusting strategic bomber problem? Richthofen will be absolutely delighted.

"Then I shall take my leave, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs."

"Haha, after worrying about a bloodless war, are you now off to worry about a bloody diplomacy?"

"Yes. Thanks to making some good friends, it's turned into quite a delightful situation."

I realized I was naturally mimicking my father's rotten smile and quickly lowered the corners of my mouth, but I have to admit there is a strange sense of pleasure in it.

A while ago, the Abwehr reported that France, unable to hold out on its stockpiled fuel, had finally decided as a last resort to split its scarce transport ships to import oil from Venezuela.

As soon as we confirmed this, we prepared for unrestricted submarine warfare in the entire sea area from Ireland to east of the Spanish port of Oviedo in the Bay of Biscay.

It would be a crazy act if Hitler had done it, but all the diplomatic efforts we've put in were not for nothing.

Thanks to the combat situation in the English Channel and the embargo placed on France, no international ships other than French ones pass through that region anyway.

Britain, of course, actively approved; America also agreed to tacitly approve based on the Neutrality Acts, and the only problem was Spain, whose territorial waters were partially included-

The Abwehr deliberately leaked the information that the tungsten being imported through Portugal was actually of Spanish origin, which infuriated France.

Franco, who had already failed to report the appearance of Force H in the Mediterranean, was now in checkmate.

Franco may inwardly feel displeasure at our actions, but what can an international pariah do?

The upper hand has now completely shifted to us, and as expected, Franco remained silent even on our declaration of unrestricted submarine warfare.

We planned to sink France's transport ships without warning after receiving prior consent from America and Britain, and then declare unrestricted submarine warfare.

Our submarine fleet commander, Admiral Dönitz, was ecstatic at the permission to ignore absurd international laws.

France, already struggling to supply its troops stationed in Britain, had its scarce transport ships, loaded to the brim with fuel, sunk without any prior warning whatsoever.

They then hysterically accused Germany of violating international law.

Of course, with Britain and America on our side, no country other than the Axis Powers sympathized with the accusation from a nation that broke an alliance with a surprise attack.

It's always the same. When the Nazis do it in Guernica or the Italians in Tyrol, the act of burning civilians is internationally condemned, but when the Allied Forces do it in the Great Tokyo Air Raid or the bombing of Dresden, it's packaged as a 'necessary military action.

'

La Rocque probably believed he was practicing realpolitik by abandoning Poland and launching a surprise attack on his ally. But what can you do?

Diplomacy is war without bloodshed, and we have gained the upper hand in the war without shedding a single drop of blood.

The tungsten we import through Portugal can be rerouted through the North Sea, even if it's a bit further.

But France has lost control of the Mediterranean Sea due to its defeat in the Battle of Malta, which means that sea route is all they have left.

Now they have to fight a fleet battle in the English Channel, but France has to pull out its escort fleet to stop our submarines?

Of course, it's highly doubtful the French Navy could stop Dönitz, whom even the British couldn't stop, even if they did pull them out-

At this point, I've set the board for victory in the field of grand strategy as much as possible.

Now the ending of the Britain-France theater is up to the generals and admirals, and I trust them.