Chapter 400152Chapter NaN

December 13, 1940

Moscow, capital of the Soviet Union – Kremlin Palace

The heart that moved the vast Soviet Union, the iron General Secretary, Stalin, was spending another day buried in work at the Kremlin Palace.

He meticulously reviewed and either signed or rejected an enormous amount of documents, processing them at a rapid pace.

Under the General Secretary's thorough management, the Soviet Union's military equipment production was getting on track.

They were already operating an army of millions, but if necessary, they could mobilize even more.

Over ten million troops could be sent to the front if Stalin so wished.

However, the reports coming from the front made Stalin frown.

Even Stalin had to click his tongue at the part that described how, after indiscriminately bombing the railroads, they would wait for the railway maintenance crews to be dispatched for restoration, then send in close air support aircraft to annihilate them.

'I don't know whose idea it was, but it's something only those Fascist devils would think of.'

No matter how many goods Stalin properly produced and sent to the front on time, it was all useless if the railroads transporting them were destroyed or the trains were bombed.

The Soviet Army's military force was too large to be supplied by means other than the railway, and with a shortage of trucks to support the tanks, the Soviet Army could not supply itself with vehicles.

The Soviet Air Force, with its poor aviation technology, had to fight difficult battles even against the German Air Force fighters that Poland and Finland had received.

Then, as Germany entered the war and the Luftwaffe was fully deployed to the Eastern Front, the Soviet Army lost air superiority completely.

Thanks to that, the Soviet Union had no effective countermeasure against the German Army, which was openly bombing the railroads and disrupting supplies.

It would be one thing if they attacked the army or cities, but they couldn't exactly line every railroad with anti-aircraft guns.

Stalin was growing a little impatient.

His ambitious plan to provoke and draw in Germany as a way to cut down Beria's old confidants, then launch a counterattack to occupy East Prussia, had failed.

Although it was propagandized as a great victory that had repelled the German Army, the high number of sacrifices during the counterattack meant that the Soviet Union actually took a loss in terms of the casualty ratio.

Stalin, who had been busily checking documents, paused when he saw a report from the NKVD.

Trotsky, who had criticized him after the failed assassination, was now showing signs of moving to America to strengthen the Fourth International, having received little positive response.

Stalin let out a cynical laugh. Did his old comrade, his head still full of romantic illusions, think that such an effort could communize America?

At least, Stalin didn't think it was possible.

The fact that the best plan his once-brilliant comrade could come up with was such a futile struggle based on delusions of grandeur filled Stalin with a mix of pity and satisfaction.

Still, he did have more insight than me, at least in military matters.

The actions he attempted out of a greed to prove that he had as much talent in military affairs as Trotsky had all resulted in failure.

Having acknowledged that the words of that arrogant Georgy Zhukov were all correct in the end, Stalin had now completely washed his hands of military affairs.

One could say they were winning the war, but the Soviet Union had already suffered nearly two million casualties in Finland and Poland.

The reason he joined hands with Hungary and pressured Romania, despite their obvious ploy, was because even the General Secretary needed to recover the atmosphere a little.

He had also hoped it would serve the dual purpose of reducing Hungary's anti-communist disposition.

But those cunning German bastards instead used it as an opportunity to pull in Yugoslavia, and thoroughly took the profits from the table he had set.

That craftiness surprised even Stalin. He had been complacent, thinking that those weaklings who called themselves a democracy would have no choice but to stand by and watch, even if they spouted hypocrisy and criticism.

Stalin had inwardly believed that the Soviet Union could overwhelm a Germany that had just gone through a civil war and successive conflicts.

He still didn't think they would lose, but Germany's latent power, stronger than he had thought, gave the General Secretary pause.

With their forces now dispersed toward France, all Germany was doing was bombing railroads and disrupting supplies as much as possible.

If they advanced by piling up the bodies of the people, Poland would eventually fall.

But that was a burden even for Stalin.

Right now, they were winning smoothly and there was no dissent thanks to the spoils from Romania, but if even the slightest unfavorable factor arose, those damn opportunist bastards would secretly criticize him.

He couldn't trust anyone.

'Should I just end the war?'

The Allied Powers had entered the war, but they were also fighting France and Japan.

If he requested an armistice with a demand for some territory from Poland and Finland, Germany and Britain would have to consider it.

In any case, Poland and Finland were fighting on the strength of Germany and the Allied Forces, so they held no power.

If the Allied Powers agreed to an armistice, they would have no choice but to accept.

Stalin turned his head and picked up the diplomatic document on his desk.

The Japanese diplomatic document, needlessly long thanks to all its flowery language, boiled down to a request for an alliance with the Soviet Union.

France and Japan were supposed to be allies as Axis Powers, but funnily enough, only Japan had sent the proposal.

It was proof of how weak their solidarity was, and Stalin found it ridiculous.

They were an untrustworthy bunch, but Stalin had just withdrawn aid to the Republic of China, weighing the possibility of cooperation.

Joining hands with Japan would mean abandoning the Chinese Communist Party in the end, but Stalin coldly judged that the brat Mao Zedong was not of the caliber to replace Jiang Jieshi and stand against Japan.

If he joined hands with Japan, they could pressure the Allied Forces in Asia and Europe, and maybe Japan would even dispatch units to the European Front.

On the other hand, if he took a reasonable amount of land and made an armistice with the Allied Forces, he could stab Japan in the back while they were busy fighting and see some gains in the Far East.

A decision had to be made, but Stalin's mind, crushed by fatigue, couldn't reach a quick conclusion.

He wiped his face with a tired look.

'To think the day would come when I'd miss that damn Beria.

'

Stalin's immense administrative ability was such that he could manage the vast Soviet Union and even run the NKVD, but it was enough to crush even the iron General Secretary with fatigue.

Stalin raised a hand to stroke his mustache and asked, as if tossing the words out.

"What would you do, Trotsky?"

The Trotsky who could answer was, of course, not here.

The only person in the office was the General Secretary.

There were plenty of clown-like bastards who would struggle to please him if he just called, but Stalin knew very well that they were not true comrades.

The iron General Secretary chewed on his solitude in the quiet office, lost in thought.

-

December 15, 1940

Berlin, Northern Germany - Government Building

"The weapon payments from Poland are becoming slightly delinquent. The total already amounts to a month's worth."

My father, Chancellor Hjalmar Schacht, looked more displeased than ever.

Oh, for God's sake.

"It's about time we made an example of them.

How about we reduce their weapon support?"

Minister of Defense Ludwig Beck, who on a normal day would have shown a positive response and argued for a hardline stance against Poland, instead sent his gaze my way instead of opening his mouth.

My, this really brings home how much the situation has changed.

"The units from the Italian Front are already being deployed to the Eastern Front. If we cut off military supplies to Poland now, it will only increase the blood they shed."

My father's face turned displeased at my words.

My father is certainly a capable man, but he's particularly sensitive when it comes to money or Poland.

"Poland has, for now, become our ally as part of the Allied Powers. We should handle this while considering their circumstances."

At least the Foreign Minister, Weizsäcker, took my side.

"In the end, it's thanks to them shedding blood in our stead that we bought time and were able to finish the Italian Front. We can't ignore that contribution."

Since it had the nature of reparations, the military supplies we provided to Poland were by no means free.

In fact, we were charging them the full price without any discount, so with more than half their territory occupied while they were resisting with every bit of power they could muster, it was no wonder they were running short on money.

In truth, while Poland was being pushed that far, we were making money selling military equipment and had used the time they bought us to sort out Italy, so it wasn't a loss for us either.

"Then what are you suggesting? Are we to just keep giving them stuff without getting paid? We should at least get Upper Silesia out of this."

My father had originally suggested we enter the war against the Soviets on the condition of receiving Upper Silesia, but with Warsaw on the verge of falling and General Rundstedt launching an offensive, we had no choice but to declare war before negotiations.

My father's obsession with Upper Silesia is truly frightening, but that region is Poland's core industrial zone.

With most of their territory occupied, if their so-called ally demands they hand over what little industrial area they have left…

Hmm.

It's obvious how Poland would react without even seeing it.

"It's not that Poland has the money and isn't paying. Most of their territory has been occupied, and they are struggling just to maintain their military force."

Finland, at least, is paying for its weapon support by exporting nickel, a raw material for armor plating, to us, but Poland doesn't have such rare resources, and even if it did, it lacks the manpower to mine them.

I understand why my father, who is harsh on Poland and strict about money, is displeased, but it's not a wise act to squeeze our fighting ally dry.

In truth, we are in a rather difficult situation right now.

Poland is clamoring for the Eastern Front, Britain for its homeland, and Belgium for the recapture of its lost territory on the Western Front, but naturally, we don't have the capability to launch an offensive on three fronts simultaneously.

"In any case, the enemy we must prioritize is not the Soviet Union, but France."

Even considering the vastness of the Soviet Union, the best option for the Eastern Front is not an offensive, but to properly defend the current front line.

In fact, even just achieving that would be a good result.

"Therefore, Poland must hold out for as long as possible. We have to receive our weapon payments for them to hold out, don't we? If they completely collapse, our burden will only increase."

My father remained silent for a moment at my words, then asked as if tossing the question out.

"So, what are you proposing?"

"In the current situation, it is not the best plan to demand that Poland produce money it doesn't have, or to tear away Upper Silesia in exchange for weapon support."

They've already given up West Prussia and Posen.

If we take more land from them, we will cross a point of no return with Poland.

We went to the trouble of deploying the German Army to the Eastern Front to protect them; if that turns into protecting a future enemy nation, could there be a more unprofitable business?

"But Upper Silesia is German territory that was unjustly taken away due to pressure from the League of Nations.

Since it's a loan, you're not suggesting we just give up, are you? Do you have another idea?"

Ludwig Beck finally couldn't hold back and said a word. The caution in his voice almost made me laugh.

"Yes, I have a plan in mind. In exchange for getting Upper Silesia after the war, we'll cut some of their weapon payments, and instead, give them the Soviet's Belarus. I think they will find that acceptable enough."

With Poland's shrunken national power, they can never maintain Ukraine, and Ukraine is a nation we must liberate anyway to stand against the Soviet Union.

But Belarus has a weaker ethnic identity compared to Ukraine, its population size is reasonable, and historically it was part of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, so I judged there would be no major issue in giving it to Poland.

"Hmm…"

The members of the Cabinet seemed to be thinking it over, but since the Western Front is more important right now, there's no point in worrying about it already.

All they need to know is that there's a blueprint to get Upper Silesia back later.

"Fine.

Let's say we do that, but what are you going to do about the immediate weapon payment arrears?"

I let out a sigh of relief at my father's question. I'm just grateful he's letting the Upper Silesia issue go for now.

"Of course, I'm not suggesting we give it to them unconditionally. We just need to change our approach a bit."

Even without Poland, we're selling weapons to other Allied nations and collecting reparations from Italy, so it's not like we're struggling with our budget right now.

It's just that it's resentful that Poland, who attacked us, can't properly pay the weapon fees that serve as reparations.

…It would be nice if they could accept this, too.