Chapter 177

While Germany was busy preparing for the election, the Eastern Front remained in a state of confrontation.

This was because the Rasputitsa was just around the corner, and both the Allied Forces and the Soviet Army were busy dealing with the massive casualties from the last battle.

However, fierce engagements continued on the Finnish Front.

As if Stalin had ordered Finland to be made to surrender before the arrival of the French Army, the Soviet Army was launching an all-out offensive on Finland, and the Finnish front, which had been holding on to its limit, began to collapse.

We hastily dispatched the Luftwaffe to support Finland, buying time for De Gaulle's French Army to organize its units and arrange for supplies.

In the midst of all this, March finally arrived.

At last, the electoral rolls of each political party were completed, and the election campaign began in earnest.

-

Germany's capital, Berlin – CDU Headquarters

The general election was scheduled for March 10th.

Considering it was an important general election, the timeline was quite tight, but there was a necessity to hold the election quickly as the country was at war and Finland was under continuous attack.

[What Germany needs now are not Commies or opportunists.

Strong leadership to overcome the crisis, with Adenauer! Therefore, for Germany's freedom and peace, vote CDU!]

[Will you hand over Germany's hard-won freedom to the remnants of the Nazis? Schumacher and the Social Democratic Party stand with you for the rights of workers and the lives of the people!]

[What a Germany at war needs is not confrontation, but cooperation! Stand with Mr. Heuss! Your precious vote to prevent Germany's division, for the FDP!]

Christian Democratic Union Party Leader Konrad Adenauer sat and read the newspaper.

[Vote Share Prediction: CDU 45%, Social Democratic Party 26%, FDP 21%, Others 8%]

Adenauer smiled faintly as he looked at the poll results on the eve of the election.

It wasn't an era where polls were that reliable, but in Adenauer's view, the results were not much different from the current situation.

The Social Democratic Party, which had been the leading party in the Weimar Republic before the Nazis took power, was at a considerable disadvantage as it espoused socialism in the middle of a war against the Soviet Union and failed to receive the military's positive response.

The FDP, which would normally have secured around 10% support, had made a huge leap forward by recruiting Dietrich Schacht, but not to the extent that it could overcome the limits of a party with an unclear platform.

Since it was a parliamentary system under the Constitution of the Weimar Republic, even becoming the largest party did not guarantee the prime ministership without a majority.

(Unlike in Korea, where the president is directly elected and the candidate with the most votes wins, in a parliamentary system, the prime minister is chosen by the party that wins a majority of seats in the general election, or by the party with the most seats in a coalition government that secures a majority.

)

However, since the CDU's sister party, the CSU, which only operates in Bavaria, was included in the "Others" category, the CDU could hope for a majority without the Social Democratic Party and the FDP if they played their cards right and recruited minor parties.

That would be a perfect victory, but even in that situation, Adenauer couldn't shake his suspicious feeling.

Even when he tried to dig up information on Dietrich Schacht from Hjalmar Schacht, Hjalmar's answer was simple.

'I am not the kind of caring parent who knows that guy's every move.

'

If he had said he couldn't sell his son's information, Adenauer could have at least tried to persuade him by calling him uncharacteristically unpolitical for Hjalmar, but since he put it that way, it was so typically Hjalmar that Adenauer was left speechless.

Adenauer turned his gaze to Franz Halder, the designated Minister of Defense for the shadow cabinet, who was sitting next to him.

"Fortunately, there seem to be no problems so far, correct?"

"Didn't I tell you, Party Leader? I am truly innocent!"

Adenauer looked at Halder with narrowed eyes.

As he had predicted, Chief of Staff of the Army Manstein had flown into a rage and tried to condemn Halder's opportunistic nature, but Franz Halder, now the designated Minister of Defense for the CDU's shadow cabinet, launched a preemptive defense on Adenauer's advice.

He had revealed in advance that he had cooperated with the Black Orchestra from the beginning, only to be expelled due to a difference of opinion during the Munich Agreement, and that in the end, the Black Orchestra had postponed the coup as per Halder's opinion.

It certainly wasn't a lie.

As a result, during the Munich Agreement, not only Halder but most of the Black Orchestra's high command, including Beck, had opposed the coup, so it was ultimately never carried out.

Since he had distanced himself from the Black Orchestra after the Munich Agreement, it was hard to criticize Halder as an opportunist, as at that time, almost no one was left except for the field agents like Dietrich Schacht and Abwehr Director Canaris.

It was also true that Halder had hoped to return when the Black Orchestra high command later rejoined, but the Black Orchestra's side had rejected him.

The issue of him having opposed the New Government as the Nazi's Chief of Staff of the Army was indeed highlighted.

But since it was also true that Halder, along with Rommel, had forged Hitler's orders to stop the fighting during the Battle of Berlin, that level of suspicion was manageable.

If one were to dig into the details, there would be some sticky parts, but Halder had accepted the demand to retire in exchange for his past being overlooked, and there was no time to investigate it again now, plus it could become a problem for the Army's prestige.

For Halder, remaining a Nazi until the very end but defecting, leaving a deep impression on the entire nation thanks to Rommel, had turned out to be a blessing in disguise.

The current Chief of Staff of the Army, Manstein, was a typical sycophant to the strong and a tyrant to the weak, so he didn't have much personal appeal.

Moreover, since he was the type to openly favor his own faction, there was no small number of people in the Army who were dissatisfied with him.

So, by recruiting Franz Halder and pledging that if he became Minister of Defense, he would implement merit-based personnel appointments regardless of origin or past, they had captivated the alienated factions within the military who were jealous of the New Government's initial members and Manstein's faction.

In any case, there was no way for Adenauer to recruit the military personnel who followed Dietrich Schacht, so it was better to compromise with the FDP through a coalition government later.

In that case, it was natural for the CDU to pull in whoever was left, and the recruitment of Halder gave them a comparative advantage over the Social Democratic Party, which had nothing of the sort, and was yielding considerable results.

In any case, when Franz Halder had requested to join the party, Adenauer had coolly weighed the opportunity cost and accepted him.

He was not a man who was picky about his means and methods in politics, and in his view, Dietrich Schacht was someone who could set aside minor emotional issues for the sake of Germany.

But despite all that, Adenauer couldn't shake the nagging feeling, and his mood turned into an uncomfortable gaze directed at Halder.

Franz Halder cleared his throat at Adenauer's glare.

The shrewd old politician had even secured a promise that Halder would resign without a word if he became a problem, and Halder knew that if he missed this opportunity, he would be doomed to become an old man in the back room forever.

"Fortunately, Vice-Chancellor Schacht doesn't seem to intend to criticize me openly.

He is running in Frankfurt, not Berlin, so I don't think there will be a big problem, but…"

"So far, yes."

Dietrich Schacht was running in Frankfurt, not Berlin.

The headquarters of the Frankfurter Zeitung, which Party Leader Theodor Heuss had belonged to, was located there anyway, so the FDP had the vigor to almost sweep Frankfurt.

Whether it was out of consideration for his father Hjalmar and his wife Claudia running in Berlin or something else, Dietrich Schacht was down in Frankfurt for now.

Meanwhile, within the conservative CDU, there was dissatisfaction that a woman in her late 20s was running for the general election and was certain to win, riding on her husband's coattails.

Thanks to this, the family's parties were effectively split and the married couple's electoral districts were also divided.

There were even those who thought of lowering her support with rumors of marital discord, citing the fact that Claudia Schacht was still not pregnant.

It was canceled because Hjalmar Schacht was in the CDU and everyone who had even a little acquaintance with Dietrich Schacht had talked them out of it, but that was the extent of the influence tied to Dietrich Schacht's name.

And yet, belying the worth of his name, Dietrich Schacht was quiet, too quiet.

While recruiting personnel connected to the Nazis, including Halder, Adenauer had also prepared a lot to justify it.

He had thought that Dietrich Schacht would surely use this against them.

But, strangely, considering the propaganda war Dietrich Schacht had shown so far, he had not made any significant move even with the election right around the corner.

He was just touring his local constituencies in Frankfurt like any other ordinary candidate, greeting people, making pledges, and giving ordinary speeches expressing gratitude for their support.

And Adenauer found that side of him even more unnerving.

If the other side made a move, he could execute his prepared response, but if they did nothing, trying to voluntarily defend himself would only make him look strange.

"Strange, too strange."

"Ahem, while it's true Dietrich Schacht is impressive, he is still a brat. He might be nervous about his first general election as a politician."

Hearing Halder's words, Adenauer furrowed his glabella.

Had he overestimated Dietrich Schacht?

Or was it a naive and upright thought that he shouldn't stand out more than Theodor Heuss, now that he had given up on the prime ministership?

Adenauer let out a small sigh.

In any case, it was true that just the black propaganda exchange with the Social Democratic Party, trading barbs of "Nazi" for "Commie," was tiring enough.

Theodor Heuss tended to emphasize his gentleness as a mediator rather than such black propaganda, so Dietrich Schacht might be cooperating with him.

"Perhaps it was just a needless worry…"

In any case, there were only three days left until the general election to do anything, and soldiers at the front would soon be conducting early voting in shifts.

Adenauer hoped the general election would end without any trouble.

-

March 9, 1941

Central Germany, Frankfurt – A mansion in Dietrich Schacht's name

The day right before the general election.

An uninvited guest had arrived at the love nest where he had stayed with his fiancée Claudia during the New Government coup.

"Vice-Chancellor! What in the world are you doing!"

Manstein, who had finally lost his patience and rushed all the way to Frankfurt, shouted, half-screaming.

"At this rate, Halder will become the Minister of Defense! The election is tomorrow and you've done nothing until now, how could you!"

"General Manstein, please calm down first. Would you like a cup of coffee?"

"N-No, do I look like I can calm down! At this rate, I'm going to have to watch that bastard Halder strut around giving orders to the Army! Do you want to see the Army being insubordinate to the Minister of Defense during wartime?"

I let out a bitter smile.

He talks big for someone without that much influence…

Manstein was certainly a man of superior brains and overflowing with ability, but to put it coldly, his political skills were inferior to Halder's.

It wasn't for nothing that he was pushed aside by Halder during the Nazi era.

He's too blatant an opportunist and shows too much favoritism.

To those he cherishes, he is known as a gentleman and a competent soldier, but those who dislike him loathe him to the extreme.

Even if Manstein wanted to put Halder in his place, I honestly didn't expect the Army to unite and follow the Chief of Staff's orders.

I asked casually while making coffee.

"Do you need sugar?"

Manstein pressed his forehead at my completely relaxed demeanor and replied.

"Just one, Vice-Chancellor."

I handed Manstein the coffee and opened my mouth.

"Of course, I have no intention of letting Halder become Minister of Defense."

It's not that Halder is so lacking in the ability department, but if he takes the Minister of Defense position and starts reappointing even the general officers who collaborated with the Nazis, we might truly become a Nazi Germany that has just changed its sign.

And for personal reasons, I don't want him to be elected.

"N-No, then how can you have done nothing until now! The general election is tomorrow!"

Manstein beat his chest in frustration and shouted.

He almost issued an order in the Chief of Staff's name to support the FDP, but I stopped him and he held back, though he isn't hiding the fact that he publicly supports me.

But since it looks like I'm doing nothing, he must be frustrated.

I looked at Manstein, slurped my coffee, and then grinned.

"Mr. Chief of Staff, it ain't over 'til it's over."

As Manstein was blatantly scrunching up his face as if to say, 'What bullshit is this man spouting,' my aide, Mr.

Berger, appeared.

"Vice-Chancellor, it's almost time for your appointment."

"Ah, right.

We can't keep a hero waiting. Please excuse me, Mr.

Chief of Staff."

Manstein looked like he had a lot to say, but he once again showed his amazing ability to smile even with a sour look in his eyes.

"I wish you good results in the general election, Vice-Chancellor."

Of course, while he said that, Manstein's face was one of half-resignation.

It's the day before the general election. He must think there's nothing that can be done.

But, to put it another way.

If I blow something up now, the opponent will have no time to respond.

-

March 10, 1941

Germany's capital, Berlin – Konrad Adenauer's residence

Konrad Adenauer came down with a tired face after a somewhat restless night and sat at the dining table.

"You look tired. Here is your coffee."

"Oh, thank you."

Adenauer took the coffee his wife, Auguste, handed him and drank it.

His head began to clear at the thought that the day to achieve his ambition had finally come, after overcoming the countless difficulties of the Nazi era.

People said he was already old, but he believed without a doubt that he was in his prime.

Feeling relieved that the unnerving Dietrich Schacht had ultimately shown no particular course of action, he comfortably picked up a morning roll and unfolded the Frankfurter Zeitung newspaper.

And he doubted his own eyes.

[The Hero of London, Erwin Rommel, Speaks Out! The Truth About Franz Halder!]

Adenauer read down the article with trembling eyes.

The contents of an interview with Erwin Rommel about Halder, whom he had always observed by Hitler's side as the Chief of the Führer's Guard, were written down verbatim.

[Franz Halder claims to have opposed Hitler, but in reality, he was more active than anyone in the Wehrmacht in blocking the New Government.]

[Just before his death, Hitler ordered the demolition of the Reichstag, the Brandenburg Gate, and the Reich Chancellery, and Halder did not even express opposition to this.

In the end, unable to watch any longer, I was the one who shot Hitler and persuaded Halder to issue the order to surrender.]

Konrad Adenauer felt his head go numb.

Turning to the back page, this time there was an editorial published by Dietrich Schacht.

[In a situation where the nightmare of the civil war that split Germany in two and shed blood has not yet faded, I cannot help but lament the sight of our political circles slandering each other and seeking to divide Germany.

What kind of regime was it that came to power by denouncing differences as wrong and dividing Germany? Who were the ones oppressed and made to suffer under that regime?

Now is not the time for division, but for cooperation. I wish to ask the proud people of Germany.

Are we going to repeat the same mistake?]

Adenauer felt a pang in the back of his neck and pressed his forehead.

To stay quiet until the day before the general election, and then to splash something like this in the newspaper on the morning of.

Did I tell that fellow a politician has to be cunning?

"Haha, hahaha, hahahaha!"

Adenauer's despondent laughter filled the house.