Chapter 26:

May 14, 1938

East Pomerania, Northern Germany, Schmenzin (Modern-day Poland, east of Stettin)

"We will request Britain's support for the ousting of the Nazi Regime, but we must have our sovereignty over the Sudetenland and Danzig recognized."

At this declaration by Ludwig Beck, the de facto leader of this meeting, the high-ranking generals nodded as if it were a matter of course and began discussing who would take which position after the matter succeeded with Britain's support.

Talk went around that Ludwig Beck would become the Imperial Regent until the Kaiser was restored, and Franz Halder would become the Minister of Defense.

I seriously felt like fainting.

"…Excuse me, respected Herr Colonel General. May I say a word?"

I could see Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow sipping his wine with a half-resigned look on his face, but this was an issue even I couldn't just let slide.

Am I supposed to let them waste time making such nonsensical plans when we're already so short on it?

"Regrettably, this is not a place for you to step forward so carelessly, Captain."

Chief of the General Staff Franz Halder blatantly rebuked me, but when I didn't back down, my father, Hjalmar Schacht, stepped in.

"It was that 'Captain' who brought me here. If you have no intention of listening to him, should I take that as you not wanting to hear from me and the Financial Circles, and just leave?"

As my father and Halder clashed, the host of the meeting, Lord von Kleist-Schmenzin, subtly intervened to mediate.

"Ah, of course not, Former Minister Schacht. We are still before negotiations with Britain and no concrete plan has been set, so it wouldn't be a bad thing to hear various opinions."

Halder retreated, looking slightly displeased.

Come to think of it, that guy Halder didn't like the radicals who were pushing the Armorization Policy with Guderian, did he? I remember he also disliked Major General Model, who is my connection.

"…Thank you for your permission, Lord von Kleist-Schmenzin.

Then, if I may be so bold, if you wish to receive Britain's support, are we not negotiating as… a Resistance force (Widerstand) against the Nazi Regime?"

"That's right."

As Ludwig Beck coolly admitted it, I paused for a moment before continuing.

"In that case, respected Herr Colonel General. For a diplomatic negotiation to be established, there must be gains for both sides.

To have our sovereignty over both the Sudetenland and Danzig recognized, what can we offer them?"

Britain had little interest in a resistance force opposing Hitler. If they had thought supporting the resistance force was better than negotiating with Hitler, an unprecedented event like the Munich Agreement would never have happened.

"Are we not going to oust their enemy, Hitler?"

Doctor Goerdeler, the former Mayor of Leipzig and a famous Royalist faction politician, answered in a tone that asked why I was asking something so obvious.

"…My apologies, Doctor.

The reason Hitler is their enemy is that he continuously reveals his greedy ambition for territorial expansion. Why would we, who covet the same things, not be their enemies as well?"

At my words, Doctor Goerdeler's face turned red as he shouted.

"What an outrageous remark! Are you suggesting we give up the Kaiser's, the Germans' territory!"

The high-ranking Junker officials and military generals who formed the core of the Black Orchestra also seemed to agree with Doctor Goerdeler's statement, sending cold glares my way.

This is driving me crazy, seriously.

"I'm sure you're not unaware, Captain. According to the Locarno Treaties, the only territorial losses from the Treaty of Versailles that Germany formally recognized were those in the West. We have a legitimate claim to sovereignty over the Eastern Territories."

As Lord von Kleist-Schmenzin said this in a placating tone, cynical laughs could be heard from here and there.

Indeed, through the 1925 Locarno Treaties, Germany had recognized its western borders with France and Belgium, while leaving room for negotiation regarding its eastern border.

But that was ultimately a proviso added by then-Chancellor Stresemann to appease the domestic hardline right-wing, and while Britain and France also left room for mediation on the Eastern Territories, it wasn't an invitation to just invade and gobble them up!

"That was to leave room for diplomatic mediation. I'm not saying we should give up on them completely, but I don't think they would help us while also recognizing our sovereignty. If we truly want Britain's help, don't we at least need to show that we are somehow different from the Nazi Regime, that they have something to gain if they support us and the regime is replaced? If we start by discussing sovereignty while negotiating with them, we risk them losing the will to talk at all."

"Isn't that an overly arrogant thought for a mere captain who isn't even a diplomatic official?"

At my words, Halder openly expressed his displeasure, and the other military superiors also wore expressions of extreme disapproval.

Damn it, so it's not getting through…

Just as I was thinking that, unexpected support came.

"The Captain's opinion has a point. There's nothing to be gained by telling Britain in advance that we have plans to reclaim the Eastern Territories. The issue of sovereignty can be negotiated more favorably if we bring it up after we're at the negotiating table as an equal government."

"Hmm…"

The one who sided with me was the Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs' second-in-command after Ribbentrop), Ernst von Weizsäcker.

This was some unexpected help.

The high-ranking officials, who had scoffed when it was just a mere captain's remark, now seemed to be considering it a bit more seriously once a working-level official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs supported it.

Surprised by the help, I looked towards Weizsäcker, and the man whispering to him smiled and gave me a slight wave.

The man, whom I'd never seen before, looked to be in his 30s.

Who is he?

The meeting that proceeded while I was wondering ended up not yielding much.

First, it was decided that Lord von Kleist-Schmenzin would be dispatched to Britain as a special envoy to request their support.

What I was actually curious about was 'how' to oust the Nazis, but they said that couldn't be discussed because the ringleader, Lieutenant Colonel Hans Oster, was absent due to a mission.

Today's gathering was for those joining the resistance force to get acquainted and to discuss what positions they would take once the great undertaking succeeded.

To these people, that was more important than the actual execution process. Because they are politicians.

…Relying only on these high-ranking people who move at such a leisurely pace, it's all too obvious there will be no progress.

---

"Captain Schacht. I thought so when you were shouting at me, but your nerve is truly… extraordinarily grand. I'm too scared to follow your lead."

"Uhm… I apologize, Lieutenant Colonel."

I had to apologize with an awkward smile to Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, who was speaking sarcastically while puffing on his cigarette.

"Well, you probably act that way believing you have the backing of Former Minister Schacht, but if you keep this up, you'll make a bad impression on our superiors."

"Yes, I'll be more careful."

My father was in conversation with the high-ranking people who had shown interest, and I, having come out first, was being scolded by Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, but my mind was blank.

Honestly, I came here without much expectation for the high-ranking people of the Black Orchestra.

After all, I knew that the working-level official who would actually carry out the great undertaking played a far more important role than the high-ranking people who would serve as figureheads and take up positions.

But I came here expecting to at least get a rough outline of the conspiracy with its ringleader, Lieutenant Colonel Oster…

To be betrayed even when I thought my expectations were low, should I just not have had any expectations in the first place…

Just as my spirit was about to leave me, a bright voice unbefitting the mood was heard.

"Ah, there you are!"

It was the man who had been standing next to Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Weizsäcker.

He must be the one who actually helped me.

"Thank you for earlier. I'm Captain Dietrich Schacht."

"A pleasure to meet you, Captain Schacht! My name is Erich Kordt.

I'm the Director for European Affairs at the State Foreign Office! I've heard a lot about you from Reporter Jung of the Frankfurter Zeitung."

"Ah, so you're an acquaintance of the reporter. A pleasure to meet you."

Our workaholic reporter's connections are much more extensive than I thought…

Director Kordt greeted me with a rather energetic tone.

"Man, I'm the one who's thankful there's someone in the military who brought up the fundamentals of diplomacy! My younger brother is in charge of the London Embassy, so you can consider Britain to be the business of we brothers!"

"That's welcome news. To be the Director for European Affairs, that's impressive."

Director Kordt and I exchanged a handshake with smiling faces.

"Haha, it's nothing special. I was actually a lackey when Minister Ribbentrop was the Ambassador to London. When that gentleman became Minister, I got a boost along with him."

So that's how it connects.

Since Ribbentrop became Minister of Foreign Affairs this year, he must not have been Director for long, right?

"So that's how it happened. It's a bit late, but congratulations."

"Haha, thank you. I was a bit surprised earlier. To be honest, I didn't have high hopes for this meeting, but you spoke as if you'd personally met the high-nosed gentlemen of Britain."

"…I was just considering that in diplomacy, you have to think from the other party's perspective."

Even without something like future knowledge, why would Britain, out of common sense, recognize the territorial sovereignty of a resistance force that isn't even a legitimate government? What would they have to gain?

We're the ones asking for a handout.

It wouldn't be strange if Britain demanded we permanently renounce our sovereignty over the Eastern Territories in exchange for their support.

Of course, if we carelessly gave that up, we wouldn't even have our bones left after the Junkers and the German people were done with us, so we can't give it away.

"In any case, I don't think we can get anything out of negotiations with Britain right now. The best we can do is make them aware of our existence beforehand, and create a situation where they can have positive expectations for us later, when we've taken the form of a government."

"Hmm, then what do you think should be done?"

For some reason, Erich Kordt was quite interested in me.

What the heck, Claudia. What on earth did you tell him about me? If you're going to do that, you could at least let me know!

Anyway, this was a rare opportunity to make a good impression on someone from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs among the conspiracy members, so I wanted to take it if possible.

"Britain is likely not yet fully prepared for war. So they'll be trying to buy time without provoking Germany. At such a time, getting help from Britain will not be an easy task."

In the original history, the prerequisite for the great undertaking decided upon by the ringleaders during the Sudetenland Crisis was that they would oust Hitler if Britain declared war on Germany.

In fact, the ringleaders of this meeting contacted Britain several times, but the result was the Munich Agreement.

This means that to Britain, handing over the Sudetenland to Hitler, even at the cost of being branded with the infamy of the Betrayal of the West, seemed more valuable than negotiating with these people.

"…No, to give you my honest opinion, the very idea of relying on Britain to overthrow the regime is problematic. Britain, with its strong anti-war public opinion since the last great war, is not going to risk war simply to help us take power in Germany. And its ally, France, even less so."

Seeing the atmosphere of today's meeting, I could almost understand why Britain completely ignored the resistance force and signed the Munich Agreement.

These people, not even in power, failed to grasp the situation and prattled on about the Sudetenland and Danzig, while Hitler, on the other hand, signed a written agreement at the Munich Agreement promising at least no further territorial demands.

At that point, it's hard to imagine that a promise made directly by the leader of a nation would become a scrap of paper in less than a year.

"The basis for all of their actions in response to Germany is the election. They have to win the election to stay in power. Therefore, they will not go against the will of their people to start a war to support a mere resistance force in Germany."

A major reason Britain and France were dragged along by Germany during the Interwar Period was that their general elections were just around the corner.

Britain's general election is in November 1939, and France's is in April 1940. Declaring war to protect an allied nation, not even their own country, at the end of their term is a choice no politician would want to make.

In a democracy, the most important thing in the end is the election. Even if Hitler starts a war, they will give it tacit approval as long as it doesn't affect the election.

Weren't they the ones who showed more interest in the lobbying of Spanish Capitalists than the countless blood spilled in the Spanish Civil War?

Realpolitik is extremely cold and cruel.

"Rather, we must absolutely avoid them declaring war on Germany.

If they were to declare war on Germany, it would mean that national public opinion has shifted to stopping Germany even at the cost of war. When that time comes, whether we change the regime or do anything else, no one will be able to stop the war.

To them, both we and Hitler are just one single enemy called Germany."

In the original history, the fundamental limitations of the resistance force within Germany all stem from this.

Make a peace treaty with the Allied Forces after ousting Hitler and the Nazis? You'd be lucky if they don't just let Germany, reeling from a civil war with the Nazi remnants, disintegrate.

Therefore, we must achieve something before World War II breaks out, before Britain and France declare war on Germany.

Erich Kordt listened to my words quietly, lost in thought, before opening his mouth.

"This is, hmm.

A completely new perspective. But it has a point.

To be honest, I think it's more realistic from a diplomatic point of view than the plan being discussed in the meeting right now."

"But, then how do you plan to oust the Nazis? The people's support for them is real."

As Kordt agreed, Lieutenant Colonel Tresckow, who had been listening quietly while smoking his cigarette, asked.

Yes, that's the problem.

The ringleaders of the conspiracy didn't try to rely on Britain because they were complete fools.

In their view, it was difficult to overthrow the Nazi Regime, which was backed by public opinion, unless Germany's internal situation was shaken by a war with Britain.

That's why they tried to rely on such a desperate measure.

We have to topple the Nazis, who are backed by public opinion, with only Germany's internal strength. That is the key.

"…We must reveal that they, who have packaged themselves as a group of patriots who will build a Great Germany, are in reality a corrupt and terrible group that is eating away at Germany."