Chapter 51:

September 25, 1939

Southern British Isles, London, the capital of Britain There was someone in the conference hall I never expected.

The British Foreign Secretary, 'Lord Halifax' Edward Wood.

Well, that was to be expected.

British Prime Minister 'Peace for Our Time' Neville Chamberlain was also here, which made sense given the gravity of the matter.

But the French representative was Prime Minister Édouard Daladier?

I, who had been expecting the anti-war French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Georges Bonnet, felt a chill run down my spine.

They said the French Radical Party was in a precarious state, and it seems they really are desperate.

For the Prime Minister to come here himself, without his appeaser Foreign Minister.

Well, before that, I'm a bit nervous being the only young one in a room full of wily politicians.

"Even the London weather seems to be welcoming the two of you, Minister of Foreign Affairs Weizsäcker and Vice Minister of the Chancellery Schacht.

A Vice Minister of the Chancellery, hmm. Should I understand that to be equivalent to a Deputy Prime Minister?"

"That's correct, Prime Minister Chamberlain."

I answered Chamberlain with a smile.

It was certainly a strange feeling, but well. You have to admit, Wilhelm III's obsession with that damn Chancellor title is something else.

Calling us Chancellor and Vice Chancellor seemed too much for someone my age, so we purposely lowered the status by using Minister and Vice Minister.

At first glance, a Minister and Vice Minister of the Chancellery 'Office' sounds like it's on par with ministers and vice ministers of other departments.

The politicians, who know everything anyway, wouldn't fall for such wordplay, but the public is a different story.

Chamberlain looked a bit pale.

Does he have a chronic illness?

"We've met before, but this is my first time meeting Vice Minister Schacht. Everyone is very interested in the Chancellor's son, who has become a high-ranking official in Germany's New Government at such a young age."

I simply smiled at the remark from Daladier, who boasted a thick neck and a commanding presence.

His words have thorns.

There must be a lot of talk, good and bad, about an unheard-of 28-year-old major who suddenly became the spokesperson and then the second-in-command of the German New Government.

"We view positively the German New Government's announcement that it will establish a democratic government after a transitional period with an emergency war cabinet, but we lack confidence that you will establish a 'normal' democratic government."

It's easy to call them Minister and Vice Minister, but in reality, the Emperor-appointed Chancellor is the father, and the Vice Chancellor is the son.

I can't blame them for harboring the suspicion, 'Do you guys even intend to create a proper democratic nation?'

"Ahem, first, let's move on to the main agenda of this conference."

It was the British Foreign Secretary, Halifax, who cut off the war of nerves between Daladier and us.

Daladier subtly narrowed his brow, but true to Britain's reputation as a nation of pricks, they only care about their own business.

In any case, it wasn't a bad thing for us, so Minister of Foreign Affairs Weizsäcker began to speak.

"The German New Government's stance is as follows. First, the ultimatum from Britain and France was directed at the revival of an absolute imperial system by the Hohenzollern Imperial Family, that is, a dictatorship by war criminals."

It's a nerve-wracking statement for us to make, though.

"Second, the current German New Government has made it clear that it is a constitutional monarchy, and the current emergency war cabinet is a transitional government, which will form a democratic government at a time when a referendum can be normally held after the end of the German Civil War."

The other parties to the conference were, naturally, lukewarm.

"Third, based on this, your side's claim of a threat of war due to the revival of a dictatorship by war criminals does not fit the current situation, and we request the revocation of the demand to abolish the Hohenzollern Imperial Family, as it is difficult to accept given the current domestic sentiment in Germany. That is all."

The first reaction came from Halifax.

"So, the German New Government is aiming for peace and a democratic government, not war and dictatorship?"

"That is correct."

"We look favorably upon the New Government's attempt to establish a democratic government in Germany against a fascist dictator.

The revival of the Hohenzollern Imperial Family is also not unacceptable, considering the special characteristic of your country's situation, where the influence of the royalist faction of the military is considerable."

Realistically, the New Government cannot control the German military without the Emperor.

There is a huge difference between having a commander-in-chief who is respected by the military, even if only nominally, and not.

Even Hitler, who gained absolute power through the Enabling Act, could only barely control the military after clashing with it several times.

We are in a civil war, and if the military lets go of us now, we will be destroyed.

Halifax, who feigned sympathy for our situation, smiled at Weizsäcker and me, then continued.

"If Germany truly intends to become a normal democratic nation and has no intention of going to war, you would, of course, accept the liberation of Czechoslovakia, which Hitler illegally annexed, right?"

So they're bringing that up. To be fair, the annexation of Czechoslovakia was undeniably Hitler's rowdy behavior.

There's very little we can argue on this point. The problem is—

"Regrettably, the matter of Czechoslovakia cannot be discussed right now, as we are in the middle of a civil war. Czechoslovakia is currently an area occupied by the Nazis, and carelessly discussing its liberation could empower Hitler."

There's no way these people don't know that, so bringing it up now must mean they intend to use it against us someday.

Anyway, nothing is ever easy.

The next one up was Daladier.

"Ah, of course, we are well aware of Germany's situation during a civil war. It must be difficult to discuss Czechoslovakia when you haven't even secured it."

Daladier spoke with a good-natured smile, then got to the main point.

"Instead, regarding the damages Germany inflicted upon the Entente Powers in the last Great War, we believe there should be no problem with the re-implementation of the Treaty of Versailles, which was signed to prevent recurrence and to maintain peace."

Well, I could have predicted this from the moment he bothered to come all this way, but they're really asking for something big.

To revive a treaty that dumps all responsibility for World War I on Germany and aims to repair the damages France suffered by sucking Germany dry.

I looked toward Chamberlain and asked.

"Is Britain's stance the same?"

"Cough, cough."

But Chamberlain coughed, covering his mouth with a handkerchief.

He wasn't faking it; he looked genuinely pained. Is this old man on his last legs?

"Cough, my apologies. The Foreign Secretary will lead the conference."

"It's alright, Prime Minister."

That's what I said, but maybe Chamberlain's death soon after his resignation wasn't just due to mental frustration.

I sent a glance toward Halifax.

"Well, the Treaty of Versailles would be just one of the means, but wouldn't some condition be necessary to show Germany's authenticity?"

Halifax's reaction was also within my predictions.

Britain has no major issues even without relying on something like the Treaty of Versailles, but France, whose political and economic situations are both precarious, is pushing the treaty to solve both problems.

But the moment we accept that, at the very least, Weizsäcker and I will get the axe.

If we're unlucky, the New Government will get the axe.

In the first place, these guys are robbers, just without the knives.

The Military Government that made the reckless move of trying to bring back Wilhelm II and revive the absolute imperial system was a problem, but these people also know full well that we've already finished off that Military Government.

We're saying we'll form a democratic government under a constitutional monarchy, and them demanding this and that is just them trying to fleece us now that they have a case.

"Regrettably, as the German New Government is currently in a civil war, we are not in a position to discuss the re-implementation of the Treaty of Versailles right now."

At the words of Minister of Foreign Affairs Weizsäcker, Daladier spoke as if he had been waiting.

"Ah, of course, we deeply understand such circumstances. We can re-implement the Treaty of Versailles after the civil war ends, and in return, France and Britain are willing to support your government and provide the equipment necessary for the war."

"Equipment, you say?"

"France can provide Lebel and Berthier rifles, and Britain can provide Lee-Enfield rifles."

The most convenient infantry rifles, and surplus old-fashioned bolt-actions at that.

Our standard-issue Kar98k is a perfectly good bolt-action rifle, but the ammunition isn't compatible with those.

Of course, we've already bought large quantities of those surplus firearms from Spain for cheap and are using them in the Freedom Corps, so it's not like we can't use them.

But the Treaty of Versailles reparations are how much, and they're offering old-fashioned rifles? Are you kidding me?

In short, this is a game of hot potato.

Everyone in this room knows that Germany cannot dethrone Wilhelm III.

In fact, after giving up on Wilhelm II and declaring a constitutional monarchy, how much of a problem can the Hohenzollern Imperial Family be?

France, facing defeat in the elections, doesn't want to explode, so they're trying to pass the bomb to Germany. Britain doesn't really care, but if someone has to explode, they'd rather it be the less necessary party than their own.

And they're just jumping in to grab something for themselves. Unlike desperate France, the well-fed pig Britain, determined to strip us of something since we're in the weaker position, is even more disgusting to look at.

There's no convenient story in international diplomacy like 'we'll help you for shedding blood against our enemy, fascist Germany'.

Unlike Spain, Germany is a sufficiently threatening nation even by their standards, so they're probably hoping we'll bleed precariously for a long time to ruin Germany's national power.

Rather, our situation of having waged a civil war that wasn't really a civil war so far through a media war probably doesn't sit well with them.

"Your country's demand…"

"Apologies for interrupting the conference, this is an urgent matter."

I was about to reply to their shameless talk of generously acknowledging the already enthroned Emperor in exchange for tearing out our pillars when I was suddenly interrupted by someone carrying a telegram.

And Weizsäcker, who received the telegram, turned pale and handed it to me.

"This is…"

The telegram's content was simple.

Italy's Mussolini, as an ally of Nazi Germany, had declared war on the German New Government—or, in their words, the German rebel army.

The officials from the Allied Powers' side, who had also received a telegram, also had quite peculiar expressions.

How do you think it feels to have war declared on you in the middle of diplomatic negotiations?

Absolutely fantastic. Thrilling.

-

September 26, 1939

Southern British Isles, London, the capital of Britain – German Embassy in Britain In the end, our conference was postponed for the reason that 'the situation has changed'.

Mussolini had been earnestly sending overtures to Britain and France to revive the Stresa Front, but he had been thoroughly ignored.

In the meantime, with the Military Government's coup collapsing in three days and a tripartite conference opening between the New Government and them, he must have gotten impatient and just declared war.

Perhaps his idea was to move quickly before we could reconcile, since the relationship between the New Government and Britain and France was awkward due to the Hohenzollern Imperial Family's enthronement, thanks to the Military Government?

Good grief.

"I don't know what Mussolini was promised to start this war, but our army has to be able to respond in time."

The New Government's main force is all out on the Northern Front, facing the Nazis.

Italy will have to pass through Austria, but can we make it in time?

But we're out here in Britain with nothing we can do. We have no choice but to trust my father and Ludwig Beck here.

I guess you could call it a silver lining in this misfortune.

In the original history, it wasn't just once or twice that Mussolini got overconfident and acted out, but I'm in a state where I can neither laugh nor cry.

"Thinking of the soldiers who will die on the front lines because of Mussolini's greed makes my blood boil, but at least in the negotiation hall, Mussolini saved us."

Until Mussolini's rash action, Britain and France were full of thoughts of pressuring us as much as possible to strip something off us.

But with Italy joining the Nazis, Britain, which had hoped the German Civil War would drag on and leave no winner or only a pyrrhic one, now has its own feet to the fire.

Britain would hate for the German Civil War to end in our victory without much damage, but they would hate it even more if Hitler, allied with Italy, quickly seized control of Germany.

"But France won't cut us any slack. They might even pressure us by threatening to side with Italy."

Director Erich Kordt, whom I hadn't seen in a while—no, the New Government's Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs—had been busy traveling between Britain and France, trying to improve the New Government's position.

Though the Military Government's actions had tarnished it quite a bit…

"That's likely. They're in a checkmate situation."

There's no way to satisfy France right now anyway.

The Treaty of Versailles? The moment we say we'll re-implement that, we'll lose all support from the people and the military.

So, do we have anything to give France? No.

What could a government that holds only half of Germany due to a civil war possibly have to give?

"But as long as Italy has joined hands with Hitler, it will be difficult for them to join hands with France as well."

If Mussolini had joined hands with France first and attacked Germany, he could have offered the condition of ceding some of Germany's land to France.

But that's impossible if he entered the war as Hitler's ally. The relationship between the Nazi regime and France is as bad as it gets.

Our New Government would be preferable.

"Just as planned, let's go with thoroughly ignoring France and moving Britain."

In the end, what we're trying to do is isolate France.

Using an appeasement policy against bastards who openly want to kill us to save themselves is completely useless.

"For this matter, Vice Minister Schacht, your role will be crucial.

Will you be able to do it?"

Minister of Foreign Affairs Weizsäcker spoke with a hint of anxiety.

The gazes on me right now are mostly filled with concern.

This is despite the Ministry of Foreign Affairs having relatively high trust in me, thanks to what I've shown so far.

Being dispatched in my late twenties as the government's second-in-command for diplomatic negotiations with great powers like Britain and France in a crisis like this.

I'd be anxious too. On the surface, there were no complaints about my appointment as Vice Minister of the Chancellery, thanks to my track record, the significant merits I established in suppressing the Military Government's coup, and the fact that the Emperor personally appointed me…

It's just that they haven't shown it, but there are surely plenty of people even in the New Government who would want to cause my downfall the moment I make a mistake, saying it was too soon after all.

My father, Hjalmar Schacht, who sent me here knowing full well that situation, claiming he had to manage state affairs, is really something else.

Maybe he has blue blood flowing in his veins?

"I'll have to try, but I think I have a chance of winning."

Sorry, Daladier, but I'm the one who has you in checkmate.

When I was a mere captain or major, the parts I could get involved in were extremely limited, which was a struggle.

Even if it's a position given by the damn Emperor, I have to make the most of what I've got and actively use it to overcome this crisis.

To do that, I have to somehow succeed in this mission, which has an absurdly high difficulty level from the start.

"I have my own acquaintances, and the cards I have to present are decent enough."

Still, it's quite a favorable factor that my father, Hjalmar Schacht, has become the head of the government.

Before Germany's diplomacy went to shit, he built a considerable number of connections with business community figures from various countries, and the most important one is right here in Britain.

Anyway, the cards in our hands right now are extremely few.

So, if there's anything we can use now, isn't it an investment received in exchange for a promise of the future?

When conducting diplomacy with a democratic, no, a capitalist nation, negotiations are possible without having to play an unreasonable hand at the conference hall. Because there's the fine tradition of lobbying.

It looks like Dietrich Schacht, for the first time in a very long time—and for the first time for me—will get to meet my older sister, my nephew, and his godfather.

The Governor of the Bank of England, Montagu Norman.

He is a friend who has cooperated with my father for a long time, both personally and publicly, and is my nephew's godfather.

In a situation where we had nothing to offer right now, we planned to move him and the businessmen of the Anglo-German Cooperation Organization to win over Britain.

While I was deep in thought, an embassy employee approached us with a letter.

"Captain Schacht, ah, no, Major. That's not right! My apologies, Vice Minister."

Since my rank has changed so quickly, Director Erich Kordt—no, he's a Vice Minister now too.

Anyway, Erich Kordt, who made several mistakes, handed me the letter he received from the employee.

"It's alright.

But is that letter for me?"

No, I'm in Britain, and a letter arrives for me? Who is it?

"Yes, it is."

Let's see.

Who sent me a letter.

Seeing the sender's name, I couldn't help but freeze.

Sir Winston Churchill.

The indomitable hero and cruel imperialist, Hitler's nemesis, had invited me.