Chapter 80:

January 27, 1940

Czech Protectorate – Prague We met with the Czech Side's Delegation in Prague at the Old Czech Government Complex, the same building Hitler had used as the Reich Commissariat for Bohemia and Moravia (Governor-General's Office).

Our Side's Delegation consisted of my father and Chancellor, Hjalmar Schacht, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Weizsäcker, and me, the Vice Minister of the Chancellery.

The Czech Side's Delegation included Edvard Beneš, the President at the time of the Munich Agreement and current Leader of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile in France, and Emil Hácha, the Czech Governor who had surrendered to Hitler during the Annexation of Czechia and signed away his country.

After occupying Berlin and dealing with the Nazi Regime, we had also dismantled the Reich Commissariat for the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, but we simply renamed it the Czech Protectorate and reappointed Emil Hácha as Governor, granting a considerable level of Autonomy.

In essence, we had halted the Assimilation Policy previously pushed by Hitler and were now pursuing an Appeasement policy, and since Emil Hácha was, after all, the President elected by the Czechs after the Beneš Cabinet resigned, we kept him in place.

Edvard Beneš, a figure from the Czech Independence Movement against the Austro-Hungarian Empire and the President of Czechoslovakia who had attempted to stand against Hitler by proceeding with the Fortification of the Sudetenland, seemed deeply moved to be stepping on his Homeland's soil again.

"Welcome back to Czechia, Former President. I am Hjalmar Schacht, the Chancellor of Germany."

"…Edvard Beneš. I lead the Czechoslovak government-in-exile."

The one saving grace was that after Nazi Germany fell, we had revealed a significant amount about the situation of the Third Reich, which had been mostly hidden from the outside world.

They must be well aware of the fact that my father was dismissed for opposing Hitler's complete annexation of Czechia and the war, and that we had banned all the persecution carried out by the Nazis as soon as the civil war ended.

Returning the regional name to Czechia and allowing a high level of autonomy gave the Czechs hope that we would, at the very least, be better than the Nazis.

Thanks to that, they came to visit in person as soon as we reached out to their government-in-exile for a discussion.

"As you know, we have arranged this meeting to discuss the liberation of Czechoslovakia."

When my father started, Beneš, Hácha, and the rest of the Czech negotiation team nodded with tense, rigid faces.

They came because they were desperate, but as for whether they were favorable towards us, that's a bit ambiguous. After all, we're the perpetrators, and they're the victims.

On top of that, they already have a sponsor who promised to pressure the perpetrator and secure their liberation.

My father, Hjalmar Schacht, leaned back in his chair, a trademark-like, somewhat rotten smile on his face as he spoke.

"Well, since we all know what's what, let's not beat around the bush and get straight to it. We intend to return Czechoslovakia to its state after the conclusion of the Munich Agreement."

Beneš spoke with a stiff expression.

"And the return of the Sudetenland?"

"Of course, that is impossible."

Objectively speaking, it's territory we plundered, but my father was so brazen about it that I didn't know what kind of expression to make.

Beneš looked quite indignant.

"Do you intend to make us sign another coercive treaty like the one concluded in Munich?"

"I understand your country's stance, but the Munich Agreement is an official treaty that Britain and France also consented to."

Weizsäcker tried to lighten the mood a little, but Beneš's response was cold.

"A treaty made between invaders and traitors. One in which you even broke the guarantee of independence you promised."

Good grief.

I expected as much, but this is going to be difficult.

"Even by the standard of the principle of national self-determination declared by the West, the return of the Sudetenland is impossible. If we tried to return it, our government, which is currently pursuing Czech independence, could be overthrown, and you can surely predict that the German Government that replaces it would have a more hardline nationalist disposition."

Even after hearing my words, Beneš did not relax his stiff expression.

"Ahem, Beneš. This is an opportunity to rebuild Czechoslovakia with our own hands, without bloodshed."

Emil Hácha, perhaps because he had been a figurehead under Hitler and the Nazi Regime, seemed to find our proposal sufficiently rational.

"It would be entrusting our fate to the hands of a foreign power once again!"

But Hácha, who was older, flinched at Beneš's scolding and fell silent.

The already timid-looking man, perhaps because of his sin of rubber-stamping the downfall of Czechia, couldn't stand tall in front of Beneš, who had tried to resist until the end.

Honestly, I don't feel too good about this. Isn't this exactly like the situation of discussing how to carve up Korea after Japan's downfall?

Still, the fact that I have to do what must be done is depressing.

"Former President Beneš. It may not be my place to say this, but this is the moment Czechoslovakia can achieve independence as one nation under the best possible conditions."

"Hah, I've heard much about the young Vice Minister of the Chancellery of Germany.

You're overflowing with confidence, aren't you?"

I suppressed the feeling that a sigh was about to burst out of me and opened my mouth.

"France must have told you they'd send us an ultimatum, using Poland's guarantee of independence and the liberation of Czechia as their justification, right?"

Beneš clicked his tongue but didn't deny it.

France's rock-bottom security has been a time-honored tradition since the last great war, after all.

"If France uses that as a pretext to pressure us and the Czechoslovak government-in-exile supports them, our course of action is simple."

I consciously imitated my father Hjalmar Schacht's rotten smile as I continued speaking to Beneš.

"We will dismantle all of your country's industrial facilities and move them to the German Homeland, then liberate Czechia and Slovakia separately. And we will just leave them be. Though there are those nearby who would target the two weakened nations immediately after liberation."

At this moment, Beneš would be thinking of Carpatho-Ruthenia, which was devoured by Hungary right after gaining independence following the Munich Agreement.

"What! Our fatherland again…!"

"Unfortunately, that's the situation. When the government-in-exile trusts the guarantee of our enemy nation and sides with them, is there any reason for us to show Czechia any more consideration? Even if we do that, it will still be difficult for them to start a war on the pretext of liberating Czechia."

Of course, we'd take a beating internationally if we actually did something like that, so we should avoid such an incident if possible, but given what Germany has already done, it must sound quite chilling from the Czech perspective.

"Then the government-in-exile would have two choices. Either be stripped of your legitimacy by a new Czech government and be dismissed, or incite France to push ahead with a war on a weak justification after Czechia has already been liberated and pray they reclaim the Sudetenland and Slovakia for you."

Beneš was practically trembling as he listened to me.

Playing the villain role for one's nation is truly a painful thing.

"Even if France declares war, you'll have to wait until they win, and even if they do defeat us, I don't know if the Czech regime that establishes itself in the meantime will acknowledge the government-in-exile's contributions.

Wouldn't you be lucky if they don't just bury you by pinning the blame for the Munich Agreement and the Annexation of Czechia on you?"

The first thing the Vichy Government did after the downfall of France was deny the legitimacy of the Third Republic, and the first thing Free France did after the downfall of the Nazis was deny the legitimacy of Vichy France.

The politicians of Czechoslovakia who have struggled as a government-in-exile must know all too well how they'll be cast aside if a new Czech government is established.

Beneš remained silent. I concealed a bursting sigh and looked at my father, who gave me his peculiar unpleasant smile before speaking to Beneš.

"We are well aware of Czechoslovakia's anxiety about being liberated without the Sudetenland. If you accept our side's liberation plan in the upcoming negotiations with France, Germany will not only guarantee Czechoslovakia's independence but also guarantee trade through German ports and provide tariff benefits."

After all, Czechoslovakia is in a state of complete disarmament, and they are the ones who know best that self-rescue measures through the League of Nations or diplomacy are an illusion.

Even if it's an industrial powerhouse of Central Europe, now that the Sudetenland has been taken, it's no threat to us and it will take years just to restore its military. In the meantime, it will need a country to protect it from Poland or Hungary, which already have a history of tearing off pieces of Czechoslovakia.

In the end, even in the long term, Czechoslovakia will have no choice but to be dependent on Germany for protection, ports, and trade routes, so we're offering benefits in that area to forge an even closer relationship.

There will be the issue of national sentiment, but at least we, who liberated them from the Nazi Regime, are bound to be better than Poland or Hungary.

And in the end, economic influence is more important than national sentiment.

It's like how modern Korea, despite hating China and Japan so much, finds it difficult to completely sever ties with them.

"If France recklessly tries to go to war with us, we don't know how Britain will react, and if that happens, won't the fate of Czechia and Slovakia become more uncertain? If you want to achieve independence directly as the single nation of Czechoslovakia, not based on the interests of the Great Powers, then now is the time."

My father relentlessly drove the point home, and Beneš sighed as if the ground would collapse, pressing his forehead.

Putting aside the emotional issues, he must understand that realistically, these are the best conditions possible.

They have already been too brutally abandoned to trust France with everything.

For France, the liberation of Czechia is nothing more than a pretext to pressure Germany.

"Time… we need time to think."

"Of course. We are prepared to respect the sovereign state of Czechoslovakia."

Hearing my father's words, Beneš let out a sigh and left the room with the Czech Side's Delegation and Hácha.

They will have their own head-aching discussions, but since they have no cards to play against us directly and cannot fully trust France, their choice is already set.

"Good work.

How did it go?"

When I came to my senses, I saw Claudia waiting for me by the car. Ah, when did she get here?

"Your expression isn't very goo-"

Her words were cut off as I pulled her into a sudden embrace.

I felt her warmth in my arms and spoke softly.

"I'm a bad guy."

Claudia hesitated for a moment, but soon began patting my back as she spoke.

"…It's evidence that you're taking responsibility for your people."

Having taken responsibility, I suppose I'll have to keep doing things like this.

But even then, she will be by my side. That felt like salvation to me.

-

A few days after the negotiations with the Czechoslovak government-in-exile ended, as soon as February began, the Paul Reynaud Cabinet of France officially sent us an ultimatum.

Their demands were as follows:

1.

The complete liberation of Czechoslovakia

2. An unconditional end to the war with Poland and Italy, returning to the territory before the start of the war The message was that they could no longer tolerate Germany's military expansion, and if the above terms were not implemented within 48 hours, they could push ahead with military action to protect Poland based on their guarantee of independen-

ce.

In response to France's demand to meaninglessly end the defensive war where even the Prince had died fighting against the invasion of Italy and Poland, and to spit out Czechia as well, old animosity toward France rose up like a wildfi-

re across all of Germany.

Britain was inwardly displeased that France had taken such unilateral action, but they too were wary of Germany becoming too powerful and would have wanted to avoid an escalation of the war.

British Prime Minister Halifax arranged for a conference, taking the stance that 'since France has already gone and done it, we have no choice' but for Britain to mediate.

Everything the German Fourth Empire had built up after finishing off Hitler was now put to the test.

-

February 2, 1940

Munich, 7th Military District, Southern Germany The conference venue is Munich. From Britain and France's perspective, I don't know if it's to wash away their shame, but for the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, it must be a very unpleasant location.

But for the Great Powers who had concluded the Munich Agreement while completely excluding Czechoslovakia even when it was intact, there was, of course, no respect to be shown to a government-in-exile without a country.

The politicians of the French Radical Party, in particular, looked like they were determined to wash away their disgrace this time, their eyes gleaming.

The British delegation was Prime Minister "Lord Halifax" Edward Wood and Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan.

The French delegation was Prime Minister Paul Reynaud and Foreign Secretary Édouard Daladier.

The German delegation was my father, me, and Foreign Secretary Weizsäcker.

And finally, Edvard Beneš, the representative of the Czechoslovak government-in-exile, all were gathered in the conference hall.

"It has been a while, Vice Minister. You're looking well."

"Haha, it's been a while, Former Chancellor. You're the Minister of Foreign Affairs now."

Édouard Daladier, who had resigned from his post as Chancellor after I thoroughly screwed him over at the conference held after the suppression of the Military Government's coup d'état, had a vein popping on his thick neck, but he soon shook my hand with a grin and spoke softly.

"It will be different this time."

"My, I'm looking forward to it."

After the delegations from each country exchanged greetings mixed with a war of nerves, the self-proclaimed mediator, British Prime Minister Halifax, opened his mouth.

"Then… hoping we can conclude a second agreement for our time, let us begin the conference."

A rotten smile naturally formed on my face.

The Munich Agreement.

At the very place where the agreement called the Betrayal of the West or the Munich Coercive Treaty was concluded, completely excluding the party concerned, Czechoslovakia, the same countries have gathered again to hold a conference for a Second Munich Agreement.

If a being called God truly exists, he has the worst taste.