Chapter 89:

February 26, 1940

London, the capital of Britain, the British House of Commons The dignified and honorable British House of Commons was in pandemonium, reminiscent of a marketplace floor with shouts being exchanged.

"Order, order!"

No matter how loudly the Speaker of the House of Commons shouted, the uproar in the Parliament, where the opposition and ruling parties were seated facing each other as if to encourage arguments, showed no signs of subsiding.

And the culprit who had created this chaos, Labour Party Leader Clement Attlee, was shouting while pointing a finger at British Prime Minister Halifax.

"British diplomacy is facing a total failure! What has the Conservative Party been doing all this time! The Spanish Civil War ended in victory for that fascist Franco while we turned a blind eye! In the end, after thoroughly neglecting our old ally France, the Radical Party lost power, and France's new prime minister is pursuing diplomacy with the fascists instead of us!"

Attlee, who had left-wing, anti-communist, and anti-fascist dispositions similar to the Social Democrats in Germany, fiercely criticized the Conservative Party regime for, in effect, leading Western Europe down the path of fascism.

"Nonsense! How is that the Conservative Party's responsibility!"

"Have you no shame!"

The Conservative Party's Members of Parliament were hurling criticism at Attlee, and while the Speaker tried to calm the atmosphere, Attlee continued speaking.

"The Conservative Party engages in self-praise, claiming that Hitler was ousted and the Fourth Reich rose thanks to the Munich Agreement, but anyone with eyes and ears knows! The birth of the Fourth Reich is nothing more or less than the German Miracle! The Munich Agreement is the very start of Britain's diplomatic failure and the starting point that caused Britain to lose its influence in Europe!"

As the opposition party MPs agreed with Attlee and booed the Conservative Party, the Conservative Party MPs could not hide their uncomfortable mood.

Everyone present knew all too well that with Czechia's annexation, the Munich Agreement, the so-called 'peace for our time', was nothing more than a deception that bought a little time by selling out an ally.

And that the Fourth Reich rising because of it was nothing more than the Conservative Party's mental victory.

"Honorable Speaker and Members of the House. The flames of war are spreading in Europe. Britain turned a blind eye even as Poland joined hands with the fascists to attack Germany. Our longtime ally France is approaching the fascists, and the communists in the east are threatening Europe, starting with the weak nation of Finland."

Neville Chamberlain, now just a member of the House of Commons after retiring as the Conservative Party leader, sat in a corner with a pale face, watching Attlee before closing his eyes.

"Britain now has no certain allies. If we continue this bystander's attitude while reducing armaments in this situation, one day those flames burning Europe will reach Britain as well. As a citizen of Britain before being the leader of the Labour Party, I demand a complete re-examination of the current foreign policy from Prime Minister Halifax."

While the opposition MPs cheered enthusiastically, rising from their seats and waving their handkerchiefs, the Conservative MPs remained seated, pouring out criticism and jeers.

And among those Conservative MPs, only one man stood up.

That Conservative MP, Winston Churchill, stood up alone despite the unimpressed expressions of the surrounding Conservative MPs and Halifax, waving his handkerchief at Attlee to show his approval.

-

A little later, the Conservative MPs were in conversation, sitting elegantly at a classy meal enjoying steak with wine.

"That Labour Party is desperate to intervene in Europe."

To Foreign Secretary Alexander Cadogan's remark, Halifax scoffed.

"They are foolish. When war breaks out, it is the people's lives that are ruined, yet for the socialists who claim to represent the rights and interests of workers to say such things…"

Halifax's policy, who succeeded Chamberlain as the Prime Minister of Britain, could be summed up in one phrase: 'Return to Splendid Isolation'.

After being roped in by France at the Munich Agreement and giving a guarantee, only to lose face and almost get dragged into a war with Germany, Britain had been keeping its distance from Europe, only pursuing a foreign policy of checking any nation that grew too powerful.

"Our foreign policy is very successful. Germany, having no spare capacity after fighting a civil war and then another war, has finally liberated Czechoslovakia, and even if they win the war against Poland, the reward of Danzig and Posen is something we can turn a blind eye to, considering the gift they gave us."

Watching the Conservative MPs engage in self-praise for their policies, Halifax nodded with satisfaction and cut a piece of steak to put in his mouth.

The Conservative Party, which had lost face when Hitler broke the Munich Agreement, had completely recovered its support when Germany liberated Czechoslovakia as promised.

Moreover, after learning the true state of the German Navy they had worried about—that it was nothing to worry about as Germany was in joint ventures with British companies—Britain was greatly relieved, certain it wouldn't be embroiled in a war with European nations anytime soon, and was reducing armaments to focus on economic recovery.

"Whatever the Labour Party says, the Italian fascists, even with Poland on their side, are being overwhelmed by Germany alone. The Soviet Union, the supposed threat of the communists, can't even handle the weak nation of Finland, so they're not at a level we need to worry about."

Cadogan's following words reassured the Conservative MPs.

Europe was engulfed in war, but for now, neither side was running wild.

This situation, where Britain could appropriately intervene, trade, and extract only profit, was the optimal situation, perfectly suited to the Conservative Party's tastes.

"Anyway, the situation in Europe is under perfect control. As always, we just need to make sure they keep each other in check and cannot stand against Britain."

Even if France was departing from the alliance, it wasn't a country Britain needed to go along with at a loss if Germany wasn't the enemy.

Historically, they were closer to being a rival.

Now that it was revealed that Germany had no intention of going against Britain and that their navy could not be a threat to Britain, Halifax's belief was that Britain was safer than ever.

Halifax raised his wine glass and said.

"To the prosperity of the British Empire and the peace our descendants will enjoy."

"To the prosperity of the British Empire and the peace our descendants will enjoy."

As the Conservative MPs were enjoying a leisurely time, following Halifax's lead and savoring their wine, an aide approached Halifax and whispered in his ear.

"A message from the German Embassy. Their Vice Minister of the Chancellery has requested that Britain act as mediator to resolve the issue between Germany and Poland."

Halifax smiled with satisfaction.

It seemed Germany was feeling the burden of continuing the war with Poland, or there was a change in the situation, so they needed us, who have a relatively decent relationship with Poland, as a mediator.

Look at this.

No matter what the Labour Party says, without actively making alliances or intervening, isn't Britain definitely maintaining its influence over Europe?

-

February 28, 1940

Central Poland, the Polish capital of Warsaw Foreign Minister Józef Beck had relayed via telegram that France had revoked its promised guarantee of independence, and the room where Poland's high command had gathered sank into a gloomy atmosphere.

Although they hadn't expected France, which had been delaying its entry into the war since the Radical Party regime, to join the fight immediately, the shock was great as they had not imagined that the very ones who should be most wary of Germany's growth would so lightly abandon Poland.

"Damn it, those French bastards, I should have known when they abandoned Czechoslovakia at the Munich Agreement…"

Inspector General of the Armed Forces Rydz-Śmigły muttered in resentment, but that changed nothing.

"What are your thoughts now, Your Excellency, the Field Marshal?"

Prime Minister Składkowski asked Rydz-Śmigły, but he was silent.

For Składkowski, it was simply heart-wrenching.

In Poland's 'Dictatorship Without a Dictator', where the military effectively ran the nation, he was a nominal prime minister, but he had tried his best to unify national opinion while avoiding political confrontation.

But only now did he realize that his efforts had been meaningless. It was self-evident that whatever the ending, he, the prime minister, would be blamed for this defeat in war.

Regardless of the fact that this war had been decided without any regard for his will.

Składkowski slowly turned his eyes and scanned the people in the meeting room, one by one.

Everyone was sunk in gloom amidst frustration and despair, but only one person, Lieutenant General Władysław Sikorski, met his gaze properly.

He was a Lieutenant General, a considerably high rank in the Polish Army, and he himself had requested to be sent to the front lines several times, but Field Marshal Rydz-Śmigły, reluctant to let him, a former Chief of the General Staff and even Prime Minister, seize real power, had refused every time.

Wouldn't he have done a better job than me if he were prime minister? Making a meaningless assumption, Składkowski, who had been staring at Sikorski, slowly opened his mouth after some thought.

"How about responding to the peace negotiation with Germany?"

The Fourth Reich had proposed holding a conference for peace negotiations with Britain as a mediator, but so far, no one in the Polish high command had suggested responding.

It would take a while for Foreign Minister Józef Beck to return from France to Poland, and the situation required a high-ranking official to take responsibility.

Consequently, with the military and the Sejm frantic to find a scapegoat to pin the blame on and absolve themselves, it was obvious that whoever went to what was essentially a surrender agreement and signed it would be branded a traitor to one's country.

"Are you sure, Prime Minister? Their demands will surely be absurd."

While feigning concern, Rydz-Śmigły couldn't stop his face from lighting up.

Składkowski had been positive about the non-aggression agreement Germany had proposed, but this was no different from the prime minister volunteering to take the blame for a war started by the military.

"If there's no chance of winning anyway, wouldn't it be a good thing to end the war a little sooner?"

Until Germany's counterattack had commenced, if he had made such a remark, he would have been kicked out like the other prime ministers who couldn't even hold their positions for a year.

But now, not a single person among the military personnel showed anger or expressed an opposing opinion. Składkowski felt his heart ease at that fact.

"According to their and Britain's negotiation, they will demand Gdańsk (Danzig), the Corridor, and Poznań (Posen). I don't know what other conditions will be attached, but I will try my best to secure the most generous conditions possible."

But regrettably, Składkowski's and the military's thoughts were different.

"Gdańsk is our only port, we can't just hand it over. Shouldn't we at least protect Poznań?"

At Rydz-Śmigły's remark, Składkowski let out a deep sigh and opened his mouth.

"Your Excellency, the Field Marshal. I am also a man of the military. Looking at the current war situation, if I may be so bold, it is they, not us, who can set the conditions in this peace negotiation."

As the nominal prime minister spoke as if scolding him, Rydz-Śmigły's face turned bright red.

"Watch your mouth, Major General! I am the man who succeeded the seat of Marshal Piłsudski! Our army is still alive and well, and Gdańsk and Poznań are in our hands, yet you speak of handing them all over and surrendering! Are you trying to sell out the fatherland!"

The gaze of Składkowski, looking at the dictator who had elevated himself to Marshal and now wasn't even showing respect for him as prime minister but was instead pulling military rank, was closer to pity than anger.

In any case, most of the members of the current Polish government, even Foreign Minister Józef Beck, were affiliated with the military.

In the end, Poland itself is a country run by the military and the Sejm, and even the government members are all soldiers from the same cloth.

What more wealth, honor, and glory could they desire in a country already seized by the military, that they would divide power among themselves and drive the fatherland to this point with their absurd greed?

While they were having this war of nerves, a staff officer entered with a telegram.

"A report from the Border Defence Corps! They say Soviet Army units have begun to be deployed to the border area!"

"Wh-what?"

A chilling deathly silence instantly descended upon the meeting room.

At the end of a heavy silence where no one could speak, what Rydz-Śmigły did was a denial of reality.

"The Soviet Union? No way, that can't be. They haven't even finished the war with Finland yet! The non-aggression pact is still valid!"

Składkowski, who had been watching him with pitiful eyes, spoke again.

"If we fail to sign a peace negotiation with Germany, it looks like our fatherland will disappear from the map again."

"W-we can't jump to conclusions yet. They could just be strengthening their border security."

Although they hadn't firmly believed in the Soviet non-aggression pact from the beginning, when the reality they most wanted to deny came at the worst possible moment, the Polish high command tried to escape from reality.

Finally, unable to watch any longer, Lieutenant General Sikorski spoke up.

"I will go as well.

Can't we decide after hearing their requirements?"

"Lieutenant General."

Składkowski tried to restrain Sikorski, but his intention seemed firm.

Rydz-Śmigły, with a very displeased expression, looked at Składkowski and Sikorski and fell into thought.

Even though Składkowski is the prime minister, he is already known to other countries as a figurehead, so if a fairly high-ranking lieutenant general from the military goes, the negotiation team would have some authority.

And for two purposes at once, it would be even better if he could bury his political enemy Sikorski, who is supported by civic forces, in the process.

It didn't seem likely that the two, who had no connection, would have suddenly colluded, so having made his decision, Rydz-Śmigły spoke with an unimpressed face.

"Very well. Then I will leave it to the two of you. The location will be Warsaw, and you will summon them there, but the decision must be made after consultation."

At the Marshal's words, who avoided responsibility to the end but still wanted to have his say, Składkowski and Sikorski let out a deep sigh.