Chapter 104: How Could Reform Possibly Avoid Bloodshed?

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Ye Shi Yun's performance puzzled Zhao Yu.

How to describe it?

Among the five women, apart from Yuan Qing Cheng, Zhao Yu still didn't know their true nature; as for the other four, he had already experienced them all.

In Zhao Yu's view, Ma Xiao Jiao and Zhang Chun were the type who knew a little, but not much, and had zero practical experience; while Li Lin was a complete blank slate, knowing nothing at all, only bold, willing to try anything.

Now it was Ye Shi Yun's turn.

Zhao Yu realized that Ye Shi Yun seemed to understand everything. Just by her knowledge reserve, if anyone said she hadn't been with dozens of men, Zhao Yu wouldn't believe it—even if he died. But when he observed her practical conduct, she wasn't any better than Ma Xiao Jiao, Zhang Chun, or Li Lin—she was merely more aggressive, bolder, and more curious, nothing more.

'This is truly strange.'

But soon, Zhao Yu put this strange matter out of his mind and went to court.

Speaking of which, the court had been rather chaotic lately.

As for the reason, there was none other than the party struggle between the New and Old Parties growing fiercer.

Initially, Empress Dowager and many ministers believed both the Yuanyou and Shaosheng periods had made mistakes, and that prejudice should be eliminated, contradictions reconciled, and a middle path pursued—but now it seemed unworkable.

Of course, this also had to do with Zhao Yu.

Zhao Yu ordered both New and Old Parties to investigate corruption, but they took it as a land grab.

As a result, both parties became extremely eager about anti-corruption, acting with speed, precision, and ruthlessness—as if they moved slowly, their territory would be snatched by the enemy.

Shielding corrupt officials?

It wasn't absolutely nonexistent, but their method of shielding had changed: from helping corrupt officials evade punishment, to telling them to quickly repay the money owed to the court, for this time the court was serious—if they didn't fill the holes they were responsible for, they would suffer greatly; as long as the green mountains remained, there would always be firewood.

Moreover, voices had already emerged in court that after each party finished inspecting their assigned regions, they would swap territories for re-inspection.

This was not a rumor spread by the Imperial Secretariat or the Eastern Factory—it was guessed by some clever people based on Zhao Yu's modus operandi.

If this were true, any fugitive in their own region discovered by the enemy during re-inspection would not only humiliate their own side and give the enemy ammunition for attack, but the enemy would surely use the opportunity to plant nails in their territory, spy on their officials, and even influence their governance.

Thus, both New and Old Parties were vigorously fighting corruption, eliminating corrupt and lazy officials, replacing them with their own party members, leaving no opening for the enemy.

And local officials at all levels, unwilling to be punished, could only return the embezzled money—even funds they couldn't account for—or even if they committed suicide to avoid blame, their homes would still be seized and their clans interrogated to recover the money owed to the court.

What about targeting the common people during this process, plundering their wealth to make up for the stolen funds or to recover losses?

If you escape capture, consider yourself lucky.

But if caught, the punishment is aggravated: immediate extermination of three clans—all men in the families of parents, siblings, and wife executed; all women sent to the Imperial Music Bureau; all property confiscated, not a single coin left.

Cruel?

How could reform possibly avoid bloodshed?

Yet, on the other hand, during this process, many corrupt and inactive officials were removed, energetic and capable officials replaced them, and the court recovered substantial illicit funds.

But this also led to a serious problem: the New and Old Parties, for their political ideals, to seize more territory, to compete for more official posts, were fighting even more fiercely.

——Now, some in the New and Old Parties even believed that only by completely crushing the enemy could their own side achieve total victory, free from such constraints and torment…

Zhao Yu arrived at the Wende Hall.

At this moment, the murmurs and even shouts among the ministers rose and fell like surging tides.

But all those sounds ceased abruptly the moment Zhao Yu stepped across the threshold, leaving only low breathing and occasional rustling of robes.

Zhao Yu walked slowly to his dragon throne and glanced downward.

In this court, the New and Old Parties stood clearly divided—even if a New Party member sat beside an Old Party member, they both consciously maintained absolute distance to demonstrate their firm political stance.

Of course, there were also many centrists, those firmly opposed to factionalism, or those detached from the struggle—but they were fewer in number and unable to unite, so their influence was limited.

When Zhao Yu was seated.

The ministers, led by Chancellor Cai Jing, cried "Ten Thousand Years!" to affirm Zhao Yu's authority and status.

Then Zhao Yu began listening to reports from the chancellors and ministers.

The first to step forward was still Chancellor Cai Jing—he reported over a dozen major matters concerning politics, economy, military, and people's livelihood; his report alone consumed half an hour.

One representative matter was that signs of famine had emerged in Hebei, Hedong, and Shaanxi; Cai Jing requested Zhao Yu issue an edict ordering regional commanders to open granaries and provide relief.

Cai Jing also estimated that grain reserves in Hebei, Hedong, and Shaanxi would be insufficient for relief, and proposed the court send six senior and deputy officials to each region to oversee relief efforts, purchasing grain as necessary.

Then Cai Jing recommended six capable New Party officials to handle this task.

Zhao Yu generally approved Cai Jing's reports directly.

Of course, on some matters, Zhao Yu would inquire into the reasons—or even reject them.

But overall, Zhao Yu still relied on Chancellor Cai Jing heavily, harboring no prejudice against him merely because he had been Zhao Xu's chancellor, not one Zhao Yu had personally promoted.

Next, Minister of Military Affairs Ceng Bu gave Zhao Yu a detailed report on border military intelligence.

Since the Song Dynasty was now in tense relations with both Liao and Xia, and Song troops remained in constant warfare with Xia forces in the northwest while assembling in Hebei for a possible northern campaign, Ceng Bu's report also took a long time.

Then Vice Chancellor Han Zhongyan reported to Zhao Yu on reforms under his charge in education and people's livelihood.

In education, soon after ascending the throne, Zhao Yu vigorously expanded school education—establishing a nationwide network of schools to replace the old imperial examination system.

In people's livelihood, soon after ascending the throne, Zhao Yu approved the nationwide establishment of institutions such as Juyangyuan, Anjifang, and Luezeyuan. Juyangyuan aided widows, orphans, and the lonely; Anjifang aided the sick who could not afford treatment; Luezeyuan was government-designated land for burying the poor who could not afford funerals.

This was not charity—it was a pioneering people's livelihood project with unique significance in Chinese history.

Both initiatives were first proposed by Cai Jing, and logically should have been entrusted to him.

But Zhao Yu felt Cai Jing already carried too heavy a burden, so he assigned Han Zhongyan to lead these two projects—perfectly suited to the Old Party's strengths.

Then came Cai Jing, whose power had greatly increased due to his oversight of the economy, submitting reports on the 'Salt Policy Financialization Reform,' 'Religious Concession Auctions,' 'Overseas Trade Options System,' and progress in reforms in tea, salt, wine, and other sectors.

Afterwards, Cai Jing also reported to Zhao Yu on his management of waste recycling and the issuance of 'Salt Certificate Bonds.'

After entrusting Cai Jing with responsibilities for some time, Zhao Yu found him truly useful.

Not only was he capable, but Cai Jing possessed extraordinary energy—no matter how many tasks Zhao Yu assigned him, as long as he was given authority and personnel, he could accomplish them all.

Crucially, Zhao Yu had Ye Shi Yun calculate: all matters under Cai Jing's charge were progressing as planned, and the costs incurred remained within controllable limits.

Thus, Zhao Yu simply assigned Cai Jing to assist Cai Jing in overseeing the economy; for key projects, Zhao Yu personally named Cai Jing to lead them.

Anyone can see that Zhao Yu is promoting Cai Jing; Cai Jing's future is limitless.

From Zhao Yu's appointments, it is clear that he still follows the path of reform and legal change; in other words, he still chooses to inherit Zhao Xu's governing strategy—the overall orientation of the Zhao Song dynasty has not changed at all.

This is important.

Know this: orientation determines strategy, strategy determines tactics, tactics determine action, action determines outcome, outcome determines success or failure, success or failure determines direction, and direction determines trend.

Only, Zhao Yu is not as urgent as Zhao Xu.

Moreover, Zhao Yu confronts all problems head-on and dares to let the Old Party expose the flaws in the New Policies.

Crucially, Zhao Yu and those behind him—Zhang Chun and Ye Shi Yun—most often manage to resolve disputes between the New and Old Parties and push forward reform.

This rhythm is actually quite good.

Yet, factional strife remains unavoidable.

After Cai Bian and Su Zhe each reported the progress of their anti-corruption efforts, Zhang Shangying, Li Qingchen, and Su Shi reported the progress of their official evaluations.

Then came the lively open-audience phase.

The first to speak was Han Zhongyan, who said: "When Emperor Zhezong ascended the throne, he once ordered the realm to submit sealed memorials; thousands submitted proposals. After Zhang Dun became chancellor, he established an office to classify them, selecting phrases resembling criticism and labeling them as slander. Most who responded to the imperial summons were punished. Now Your Majesty has again summoned frank advice on the shortcomings of court policy—if we again classify these memorials, those who dare to speak will surely feel suspicion and fear. I humbly beg Your Majesty to urgently issue an edict abolishing the office and collect all classified documents into the inner palace."

The Secretary of the Central Secretariat, Ceng Zhao, also agreed: "Since the founding of our ancestors, the memorials submitted by ministers were never compiled… Now, compiling them violates ancestral precedent and imposes fixed time limits. Why are memorials submitted before April of Yuanfeng Eight and after April 12 of Yuanyou Nine not compiled at all, yet only these ten years' memorials are classified? I do not understand. I beg Your Majesty to order the dismissal of all clerks in the Central Secretariat and Privy Council involved in this task."

This matter is simple: Zhang Dun sought to control public opinion to forcibly advance the New Laws. He likely feared Zhao Xu would abandon reform upon seeing so much opposition, so for these ten years he enforced this repressive policy to force the New Policies through.

Now, with Zhao Yu on the throne, he not only permits all to submit memorials, but also allows secret memorials to be submitted directly to him.

Han Zhongyan and the Old Party naturally seized this chance to completely dismantle Zhang Dun's control over public opinion.

Zhao Yu did not waste words—he directly said: "Agreed."

Seeing this, Zhang Dun did not even lift his eyelids, for he knew Zhao Yu understood everything—he no longer needed such despised methods.

The Old Party officials were greatly emboldened, and someone immediately rose to impeach the Vice Censor-in-Chief An Dun for colluding with corrupt officials, repeatedly instigating major trials, and inciting nationwide resentment.

Currently, society speaks of "Two Duns and Two Cais"—meaning Zhang Dun, An Dun, Cai Bian, and Cai Jing are traitors.

Of these, An Dun is the easiest to target.

The Old Party is clearly using An Dun as a breakthrough to overthrow the New Party.

Indeed!

Next, censors Chen Guan, Feng Ji, Chen Cisheng, and others began attacking Cai Jing, accusing him of befriending Xiang Zongliang, the nephew of Empress Dowager, and of associating with eunuch Pei Yanchen, charging him with colluding with imperial relatives and communicating with palace eunuchs. They also accused Cai Bian and Cai Jing as partners in evil, misleading the state and corrupting the court, claiming they were glory-seeking and that if entrusted with power, they would overturn the old system and plunge the realm into chaos, destroying the ancestral foundation.

Next, Old Party officials accused Zhang Dun and Cai Bian of seizing power, forcing Zhao Xu into moral failure, and deposing Meng Xiang in the Yaohua Palace.

After the Old Party had finished their memorials, Zhao Yu directly said: "Denied."

Zhao Yu did not waste words with these Old Party ministers—he flatly and clearly rejected their impeachment requests, clearly stating his stance.

Zhang Dun looked at the Old Party ministers who had impeached him and sneered coldly: "Your Majesty needs men who get things done, not dogs barking—do you think I'd let you have your way?"

Han Zhongyan, Su Zhe, and other wise men of the Old Party also understood: only those who get things done can be promoted under Zhao Yu. Did they not see how Lu Huiqing, despite his terrible character, was recalled and entrusted with great responsibility?

After all censors and imperial historians had finished their impeachments, Zhao Yu gave a unified reply: "Those who act are prone to error; those who occupy posts without doing anything are never at fault."

This is Zhao Yu's stance: if you have ability, use it—don't fear mistakes. If you truly work, I will bear the blame for your errors.

The current situation is clear: the New Party can solve problems but constantly makes mistakes, big and small; the Old Party advocates conservatism, rarely errs, but solves nothing.

Seen this way, Zhao Yu's remarks clearly favor the New Party.

The Old Party members felt a deep sense of helplessness.

Fortunately, the personnel appointment phase arrived.

Chen Guan stepped forward and said: "I humbly request the recall of Zou Hao to resume his post as censor."

Previously, when Zhao Xu intended to make Liu Qingjing empress, censor Zou Hao submitted a vehement memorial opposing it—and was exiled by Zhang Dun.

Seeing the Old Party seek to bring Zou Hao back, Zhang Dun objected: "If Zou Hao is reinstated, it will expose the former emperor's mistake."

Zhao Yu replied bluntly: "Establishing an empress is a great matter. The Vice Censor-in-Chief remained silent, yet Zou Hao alone dared to speak—why not reinstate him?"

Seeing Zhao Yu paid no heed to Zhao Xu's reputation, Zhang Dun could only withdraw sullenly.

The Old Party members, seeing this, regained their confidence.

Chen Guan pressed further: "Your Majesty seeks to open the righteous path by honoring Zou Hao's past virtue; Zhang Dun deceives Your Majesty's ear and pursues his own agenda. If you wish to clearly show favor and disfavor, you must begin with Zhang Dun."

But Zhao Yu replied with two words again: "Denied."

When the ministers had nearly finished speaking, Zhao Yu said: "I intend to reform the monetary system—who is fit for this task?"

At these words, many looked toward Cai Jing.

Even Cai Jing himself felt another major task was coming.

This excited Cai Jing—he prepared to repay Zhao Yu's trust once more.

In truth, Zhao Yu's chosen candidate was Cai Jing, for Cai Jing may be the most skilled in issuing currency of this age.

But then, someone stepped forward and volunteered: "I beg to try…"

…

(End of Chapter)