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Chapter 321: Professional Emperor

~8 min read 1,576 words

…

Zhao Yu had an excellent habit: he was never late, whether in his own imperial palace in Dongjing Bianliang or on a personal campaign—year after year, without exception.

In other words, Zhao Yu had never let personal matters interfere with state affairs.

Zhao Yu also decreed that any frontline battle report, no matter the hour or what he was doing—even if he were in the throes of bedchamber exertion—must be brought to him immediately.

Just as this time, when the frontline report arrived, it was delivered at once to the inner palace, finally reaching the hands of Liang Hongyu, Zhao Yu's female bodyguard commander.

Knowing Zhao Yu's habit, Liang Hongyu woke him at once.

Upon learning that the Liao army had been ambushed by the Jin forces and suffered catastrophic losses, Zhao Yu rose immediately and went to the front hall to consult with Cai Bian and the night-duty officials.

Cai Bian believed they must issue an imperial edict to Liu Fa, Accompanying Tong Guan, Song Jiang, and Zong Ze on the frontline, ordering them to advance cautiously and avoid repeating the Liao army's fate—otherwise, their earlier great victory would be in vain.

But Zhao Yu said: "Generals on the frontier may disregard imperial orders when necessary; trust your frontline commanders."

Zhao Yu was not a perfect emperor; his lust for women alone could classify him as a tyrant, for his debauchery rivaled that of most emperors in history.

Moreover, Zhao Yu indulged in luxury, suspected of extravagance and waste, and certainly lacked frugality.

He could even be accused of craving glory, arrogance, and contempt for all others.

Yet Zhao Yu also possessed every virtue of a great emperor: literary and martial prowess, diligence in governance, love for the people, clear rewards and punishments, wise appointment of talent, courage to employ capable men, and willingness to delegate authority.

Just this last quality made Zhao Yu exceedingly rare.

After all, emperors never trusted anyone—especially generals commanding troops—and Song emperors were especially distrustful.

Since Zhao Kuangyin, the Song dynasty had established the principle of elevating civil officials while suppressing military officers: buying military loyalty with wealth, binding generals with suspicion, and controlling them through civil ministers.

During the Yongxi Northern Expedition, Zhao Guangyi issued frontline generals an "array diagram," prescribing exact routes and formations—even if battlefield conditions changed, they were bound to follow the map. The famed general Cao Bin, for disobeying the diagram, was defeated and demoted to commoner status; Pan Mei, constrained by the supervising eunuch Wang Shen, caused Yang Ye's death at Chenjiagu, completely crushing the flexibility of military commanders.

During the Battle of Chanyuan, Kou Zhun strongly advocated for the emperor's personal campaign; the Song army held the advantage, forcing the Liao to seek peace. But Emperor Zhenzong was hypersensitive to military power: he signed the humiliating "Treaty of Chanyuan," stripped the pro-war generals of their commands, promoted civil officials to control military affairs, and even inscribed "Military officers must never interfere in court politics" into ancestral edicts.

On the day Di Qing was appointed Chief of the Privy Council, the entire civil bureaucracy erupted. Chancellor Ouyang Xiu submitted three memorials accusing him of "winning the soldiers' hearts" and "holding military power too long," implying treasonous intent; another senior minister, Wen Yanbo, bluntly told Emperor Renzong: "Taizu was also a minister of Zhou Fang Shizong."

That single sentence struck Emperor Renzong's most sensitive nerve—even though Di Qing had repeatedly achieved miraculous victories against the Western Xia and Nong Zhigao, even though he was always cautious and humble, even though Emperor Renzong personally defended him, saying, "Di Qing is loyal," Wen Yanbo coldly replied: "Wasn't Taizu also a loyal minister of Zhou Fang Shizong?"

In the end, Di Qing was removed from the Privy Council and exiled to Chenzhou.

Even in exile, the court "sent imperial envoys twice monthly to inquire after him"—ostensibly to comfort him, actually to spy on him.

Less than half a year later, this once-fearsome general, who had worn bronze armor and charged through enemy lines as if they were empty, died of illness and despair at age forty-nine.

Di Qing's fate perfectly confirmed the Song dynasty's military officers' destiny: the greater the merit, the deeper the suspicion; the higher the rank, the more horrific the end.

By the time of Emperor Shenzong and Emperor Zhezong, expansion still bore the same "elevate civil, suppress military" undercurrent. Their foreign campaigns were fundamentally civil-minister-led operations; generals were mere tools executing orders, with glory going to the court and civil officials, while blame fell solely on the military. Even in victory, soldiers could never attain equal status with civil ministers.

Before Zhao Yu, every Song emperor's logic remained unchanged: military officers could be used for war, but never trusted. They used civil supervisors, array diagrams to bind generals' hands, frequent reassignments to prevent military autonomy, and even destroyed their own defenses. This bone-deep suspicion rendered the Song dynasty perpetually reactive in foreign wars, eventually making it synonymous with "chronic poverty and weakness."

Now, Zhao Yu uttering, "Generals on the frontier may disregard imperial orders when necessary," was a complete overturning of the entire Song imperial mindset.

Those present, including Cai Bian, all thought: Liu Fa and the others could not have received greater trust from an emperor—they were the luckiest military officers since the founding of the Song.

Moreover, Zhao Yu didn't just speak—he issued an imperial edict, ordering ample grain and supplies to be prepared for the frontline, paying transport laborers thirty percent above market rates, and granting Liu Fa full authority to act independently, without needing to submit reports for every decision.

Of course, Zhao Yu dared this because he had the confidence to do so.

First, Zhao Yu controlled three secret agencies; no one could deceive him.

Second, in other dynasties, only the founding emperors—Taizu and Taizong—were truly both civil and martial; later emperors grew up in the inner palace under the care of women, like weasels giving birth to rats—each generation worse than the last. The Song was slightly better: even before Zhao Yu, Zhao Xu had some ability, but earlier Song emperors had truly little martial talent. Zhao Yu, however, had already proven his exceptional martial skill. After ascending the throne, he reversed the policy of elevating civil over military, implemented civil-military separation, and greatly elevated soldiers' social status—earning him unparalleled prestige among the military. Thus, he had no fear of rebellion and dared to trust frontline commanders so completely.

Once a decision was made, Cai Bian drafted a preliminary version; Zhao Yu personally revised it, then Cai Bian copied the final edict.

This edict was very long, and writing it took considerable time.

Yet Zhao Yu sat patiently beside Cai Bian, offering no rush, allowing Cai Bian to write thoroughly so Zhao Yu could affix the imperial seal.

Seeing this, the civil ministers understood: Zhao Yu did not blindly trust military officers; he also valued them.

After the edict was completed, Zhao Yu dispatched a fast rider to deliver it to the frontline, to Liu Fa.

Liu Fa saw that Zhao Yu's edict merely stated: "Minister Liu Fa, assess the situation and act as circumstances demand. Grain and supplies are fully prepared and will arrive shortly. I grant you full independent authority—do not fail my expectations." It showed no interference in tactical command, and explicitly affirmed Liu Fa's supreme command on the frontline.

Liu Fa knew that for a Song military officer, this was an extraordinary act of trust.

Without hesitation, Liu Fa bowed deeply toward the direction of Yanjing: "Your servant Liu Fa receives the edict and thanks Your Majesty!"

With the deaths of Wang Hou, Guo Cheng, Zhe Keshi, Zhong Pu, Wang Shan, and Wang Min, the prevailing opinion among contemporaries was: "When naming great generals, Liu Fa must come first."

Great reputation carries no false merit.

Since joining the army, Liu Fa had repeatedly earned merit against the Western Xia, serving as Third Commander of Fuyan Road, Fuyan Road Deputy Commander, and Commander of the Imperial Cavalry Corps. Especially at the Battle of Jixi, he played a crucial role in the Song's campaign to seize Hehuang, and was promoted to Pacification Commissioner of Xihé Road.

Historically, Accompanying Tong Guan, eager for victory, forced Liu Fa to attack the Western Xia's Tong'an City. Liu Fa fought to the death. After Tong'an, Accompanying Tong Guan blamed Liu Fa for disobeying his orders, making him bear the guilt for defeat and loss of troops—a historic miscarriage of justice in Chinese military history. Li Gang specially composed "Elegy for the National Martyrs" to mourn Liu Fa and vindicate him.

At this time, Liu Fa's reputation far surpassed that of the historically famed brothers Zhong Shidao and Zhong Zhong.

Historically, Liu Fa's fame faded because his son Liu Zhengyan, then a guard commander for the Crown Prince, conspired with Miao Fu, a guard commander for Zhao Gou, to launch the "Miao-Fu Rebellion," killing Zhao Gou's favored ministers and eunuchs under the pretext of purging corrupt officials, and forcing Zhao Gou to abdicate in favor of his son Zhao Fu. After the rebellion failed, they were executed. Consequently, even the deceased Liu Fa was tainted; his achievements and deeds became obscure.

After Zhao Yu's reincarnation, although he still employed Accompanying Tong Guan, he simultaneously promoted a host of military officers—Wang Hou, Guo Cheng, Zhe Keshi, Zhong Pu, Wang Shan, Wang Min, Liu Fa—and allowed them all to demonstrate their abilities.

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