Chapter 306: Section 58: Collusion (Part 1)

In the second year of Chongzhen, the fifth month, Mao Wenlong issued his final warning in history. He reported directly to the Chongzhen Emperor, stating that he had already detected the Later Jin's operational plans — Huang Taiji intended to break through the Jimen pass and enter the interior. In his memorial, Mao Wenlong even gave a specific timeframe, estimating that this unprecedented invasion would occur around the middle of the tenth month.

In his memorial, Mao Wenlong once again attributed the Later Jin's unimaginable plan to Yuan Chonghuan's economic blockade against him and the subsequent collapse of Dongjiangzhen.

Whether in this history or in Huang Shi's original world, during the latter half of the first year of Chongzhen, the Ming court was debating whether to relocate Dongjiangzhen to Gaizhou and whether to support the Dongjiang army in a direct assault on Liaoyang. At that time, the Later Jin were still cowering in the central Liaoning plain, and absolutely no one would have imagined that they could one day launch a surprise raid into the interior.

Yet only a few months after Yuan Chonghuan began peace negotiations, Dongjiangzhen had abandoned ninety-nine percent of its land territory, almost completely losing its ability to pin down the enemy. Without sending a single soldier or firing a single arrow, the Later Jin reclaimed the land that countless martyrs of Dongjiangzhen had bought with their blood. Their territory expanded nearly threefold from east to west, and their armored soldiers doubled.

In all his previous warnings to Liaoxi, Mao Wenlong's prediction for the Battle of Ningyuan differed from the Later Jin's actual troop movement by only one day, and for the Battle of Ningjin by only two days. This time, Mao Wenlong's warning of danger at Jimen came five months earlier than the actual crisis — the most ahead-of-its-time prediction in the fortune-teller Mao Wenlong's lifetime, but also his largest miscalculation. Mao Wenlong predicted mid-tenth month, while Huang Taiji's troops broke through on the second day of the eleventh month, a discrepancy of over ten days.

In his final warning, Mao Wenlong exhausted all his strength to appeal to the Chongzhen Emperor, begging the Ming court to end the economic blockade against Dongjiangzhen so that the sons of Liaodong could escape hunger and cold. With earnest and heartfelt words, Mao Wenlong assured the Emperor that as long as the Dongjiang army had food to eat, they would surely contribute their strength to defend the nation. Just as in Huang Shi's original history, the civil officials scoffed at Mao Wenlong's warning, claiming it was nothing more than Mao Wenlong's "old trick" to demand pay and provisions.

Fortunate — or perhaps profoundly unfortunate? The Later Jin's war chariot was racing along the very track Mao Wenlong had predicted. Five months later, within the timeframe and at the location Mao Wenlong had foretold, Huang Taiji launched the first invasion of the Great Ming's heartland. Though Marshal Mao was no longer there, the Ming court had still had the opportunity to make targeted preparations.

Fortunate — or perhaps profoundly unfortunate? It was precisely the enemy Mao Wenlong had fought against with all his life's energy who proved, through their actions, that Mao Wenlong, until the very last moment of his life, was still thinking of warning his motherland, still thinking of contributing his strength to the nation. When the hated foe that Marshal Mao despised most proved his loyalty by trampling his motherland's heartland — if Marshal Mao, who had been slandered, trampled upon, ridiculed, and insulted all his life, could know this from the netherworld below, would he weep or would he rage?

Fifth day of the fifth month, Dongjiang Island.

Upon receiving Yuan Chonghuan's letter, Mao Wenlong immediately prepared to leave the Dongjiangzhen headquarters and travel to Shuangdao to beg for provisions for his subordinates.

Mao Chenglu, Kong Youde, and others rushed to the main camp upon hearing the news. Recently, rumors among the Mongol tribes had been flying everywhere. Since the end of the fourth month and the beginning of the intercalary fourth month, people among the Mongol tribes had been saying from time to time that among the peace terms Huang Taiji had proposed to Yuan Chonghuan was one clause: "Only when Wenlong's head is delivered can peace be discussed."

Seeing that Mao Wenlong still intended to leave for Shuangdao, Kong Youde anxiously said, "Foster Father, the Mongol tribes are now spreading rumors that Lord Yuan intends to do you harm, to prove the court's resolve to negotiate peace with the Jianzhou slaves."

Mao Wenlong wore an expression of complete indifference and said dismissively, "Yongshi, you worry too much. In a matter as great as peace negotiations, without the court's approval, how could Lord Yuan make the decision on his own?"

"Uncle," Mao Chenglu, the last living nephew by Mao Wenlong's side, also spoke urgently, "Marshal Huang sent several secret letters not long ago, insisting that when Uncle meets Yuan Chonghuan, you must arrange armed guards with axes, to prepare for any contingency."

"Huang Shi is still so absurd. He has always been hostile toward Lord Yuan, and this time he probably heard some rumor again and started worrying about me." Mao Wenlong shook his head and laughed loudly a few times. Huang Shi did not shy away from speculating about Yuan Chonghuan's intentions with the darkest possible thoughts, which Mao Wenlong felt was going too far. So after he and a few confidants read those letters from Huang Shi, they burned them all, to avoid stirring up trouble for Huang Shi.

"I am the Imperial Commissioner for Pacifying Liao with Discretionary Powers, Bearer of the Vanguard General's Seal, Regional Commander of Dongjiang, holder of the Imperial Sword, Grand Guardian of the Great Ming." After reciting this, Mao Wenlong pursed his lips proudly and said to Kong Youde and Mao Chenglu, "I am an Imperial Commissioner, Regional Commander, General Who Pacifies Liao, Grand Guardian, and I hold the Imperial Sword. Without His Majesty's consent, who would dare touch a single hair on my head?"

Kong Youde and Mao Chenglu exchanged glances. Finally, Kong Youde murmured, "Marshal Huang has written letter after letter. Let's still be a little cautious. Let Lord Yuan come to Dongjiang Island instead."

"No, that way Lord Yuan might find another excuse to embezzle our Dongjiang army's pay and provisions." Mao Wenlong sighed.

Although Huang Shi had the will to help Dongjiangzhen, he still lacked the courage to openly allocate military grain from Funingzhen to Dongjiangzhen. Besides, even if Huang Shi were willing to allocate it, Mao Wenlong would not dare accept it. For two military garrisons to communicate privately — no emperor in this world could ever tolerate such a thing: "Look at our Dongjiangzhen. People starve to death every single day. I must go to Shuangdao. I cannot give Lord Yuan any excuse to embezzle our Dongjiang army's pay and provisions."

On the twenty-fifth day of the fifth month, in the second year of Chongzhen, Yuan Chonghuan set out from Ningyuan, crossing the sea to Shuangdao to discuss matters concerning military pay and provisions with Mao Wenlong.

During several days of talks, Yuan Chonghuan repeatedly demanded that Mao Wenlong hand over his military authority, but Mao Wenlong refused to privately relinquish it. Mao Wenlong held that Dongjiangzhen belonged to the imperial court, and he had no right to privately hand over military authority to any individual.

On the fifth day of the sixth month, Yuan Chonghuan launched a sudden attack, vehemently denouncing Mao Wenlong for twelve major crimes:

First, refusing to allow civil officials to manage the funds and grain of Dongjiangzhen;

Second, never having achieved any military merit in eight years;

Third, the tone of his memorials being insufficiently respectful and rigorous, and so on;

Fourth, never having distributed military pay and grain to the soldiers in eight years;

Fifth, without the consent of civil officials, arbitrarily requesting the Tianqi Emperor to open horse markets, and never allowing civil officials to intervene in horse trading with the Mongols;

Sixth, recognizing a large number of foster sons and foster grandsons, totaling over a thousand;

Seventh, defrauding merchants of money and goods, and failing to repay debts;

Eighth, being lecherous by nature;

Ninth, not giving the Liaodong people enough to eat, leading to countless deaths by starvation;

Tenth, deceiving the eyes and ears of the world by secretly erecting a living shrine to Wei Zhongxian on an obscure island;

Eleventh, having boasted in battle reports, covering up defeats as victories;

Twelfth, never having recovered a single inch of territory in eight years, wasting the nation's grain while passively watching and nurturing the enemy.

After enumerating the twelve major crimes, Yuan Chonghuan kowtowed in the direction of Beijing, declaring that he was obeying an imperial decree to immediately behead Mao Wenlong. Upon hearing it was the Emperor's decree, Mao Wenlong knelt facing the direction of Beijing, submitted to execution without offering any resistance.

After Mao Wenlong was killed, the Dongjiang commanders wept bitterly over his corpse, and the soldiers on the island grew restive. Yuan Chonghuan felt this might harm his own image, so the next day he presided over a memorial ceremony for Mao Wenlong. At the ceremony, Yuan Chonghuan wept with tears and lamentations, collapsing on the ground in such grief that he could not stand for a long while. Yuan Chonghuan shifted all blame onto the Chongzhen Emperor — the youth who trusted him boundlessly — claiming that his killing of Mao Wenlong the previous day was "acting on imperial orders" and "the great law of the state," while his weeping today was "personal sentiment between colleagues."

It must be admitted that Yuan Chonghuan's acting skills were first-rate. From then on, Dongjiangzhen generally believed that Chongzhen had issued a secret decree ordering Yuan Chonghuan to kill the man. In Huang Shi's original history, when Kong Youde later became a traitor, he raised the banner: "The Southern Court has a fatuous ruler and treacherous ministers, who frame the loyal and good. Marshal Mao, both loyal and brave, still suffered slaughter." When Kong Youde and the other major traitors attacked Lushun and other places under this banner, large numbers of Dongjiang army officers and soldiers surrendered at the mere rumor of their approach, even rushing to join the traitor army.

Twelfth day of the sixth month, second year of Chongzhen, seven days after Mao Wenlong's death. Liaoyang.

"Mao Wenlong is dead. It has been confirmed."

After Huang Taiji finished recounting the events of the Shuangdao Incident, a moment of silence fell within the council tent of the Four Great Beile. After a while, Amin spoke: "Though Wenlong caused us trouble for many years with his endless cunning schemes, he was, after all, a hero. To die like this, at the hands of a petty man — truly... truly..."

Amin said "truly" twice and then stopped, as if he could not find a particularly fitting adjective. Mang Gurtai was stunned for a moment before saying softly, "Weren't you always calling him 'Yuan Chonghuan, Friend of the Great Jin'? Why do you call him a petty man today?"

"I keep many dogs. I like them very much, like old friends. But they are still dogs." A trace of sorrow even appeared on Amin's face, though his slightly parted lips still bore that cynical smile: "Wenlong was my enemy. Over the years, Wenlong caused me no end of trouble, killed countless of our women and children. I only regret I could not flay him alive with my own hands. But that does not stop me from saying he was a hero."

Daišan let out a low sigh: "It is a pity Father Khan did not live to see this day."

The atmosphere in the tent grew heavier. Huang Taiji suddenly spoke in a clear voice: "Let us go and pay homage to the Old Khan, and tell him that Mao Wenlong is dead, and died a humiliating death. Father Khan will surely be gratified."

The remaining three all nodded. Huang Taiji suddenly exhaled a great breath with relief: "Good. Let us marshal the troops and campaign west."

Fifteenth day of the sixth month, ten days after Mao Wenlong's death. The Later Jin side had finalized the plan for this military campaign. Huang Taiji and Mang Gurtai would lead the troops into the interior; Amin and Daišan would remain to guard the homeland.

The target of this offensive was the Great Ming's wealthy capital region. Every banner hoped to share in the spoils, so Huang Taiji followed the counsel of all, ordering every niru to participate in the campaign to ensure everyone could taste the benefits.

"Each niru shall send either ten or fifteen armored soldiers. They will first assemble on the territory of the Kharchin Mongols, then breach the Ming border walls and drive straight in." Huang Taiji and Mang Gurtai were discussing the matter of troop deployment, the former explaining the total strength for this campaign to the latter.

During Nurhaci's reign, the Later Jin had over two hundred niru. In theory, each niru had three hundred males aged sixteen to sixty. Based on the principle of drawing one armored soldier from every three males, the Later Jin had roughly twenty thousand armored troops. After Huang Taiji succeeded to the throne, he reduced the theoretical establishment of each niru to two hundred males. The entire Later Jin now had three hundred niru, with each niru providing eighty armored soldiers.

During this period, the Later Jin regime, excluding Mongol and Han troops, had approximately twenty-four thousand armored soldiers in the Manchu Eight Banners. For this attack on Beijing, Huang Taiji drew ten to fifteen Heavy Armor Soldiers from each niru, forming an elite strike force totaling four thousand men. The remaining armored soldiers continued to be dispersed across Later Jin territory, responsible for maintaining order and defense.

In addition to the four thousand combat troops, Huang Taiji also mobilized roughly ten thousand unarmored banner men and bondservants. As in the battles of Ningyuan and Ningjin, they were responsible for pushing handcarts to transport plundered goods back to Later Jin territory. Thus, the Later Jin's own core forces deployed amounted to roughly thirteen to fifteen thousand men.

"Once we reach the Kharchin Mongols, we will also have some allied troops." Huang Taiji had always wanted to make the Mongols believe that the Great Ming utterly bullied the weak and feared the strong. This time, Yuan Chonghuan's willingness to kill a pro-war general to beg for peace negotiations was precisely the best weapon Huang Taiji could use to persuade the Mongols to ally with him: "We will likely hold councils with thirty-six Mongol tribes in succession. They will also contribute five thousand armored soldiers and several thousand males to transport goods."

Mang Gurtai appeared somewhat dissatisfied. This way, the Later Jin army's total strength would only be around twenty-five thousand: "So few. Only a little over ten thousand Mongols."

"It can't be helped. This is the first time. They still have some fear of the Great Ming, still see it as a formidable giant not to be trifled with. But once these wolves taste blood, they won't let go. As long as we can ensure every Mongol tribe plunders enough goods, next time more will come to join us." Huang Taiji appeared brimming with confidence.

Lin Danhan had now completely lost faith in the Great Ming and had also begun annexation campaigns in disregard of the Ming, attempting, like the Later Jin, to use military force to coerce the Great Ming into paying annual tribute.

"As long as we win this battle, these thirty-six Mongol tribes will all be bound to us."

The Mongol region was also suffering the effects of natural disasters, so the Mongols likewise yearned to plunder. However, before this first breach, they still intended to leave themselves some room for retreat. Apart from the Kharchin Mongols, who were fully committed to following the Later Jin, most Mongol tribes were still watching and waiting, or hiding their tribal banners and secretly sending some men to rendezvous with the Later Jin.

But Hong Taiji believed that as long as they could successfully plunder the Jingji region, the Great Ming’s wealthiest area, then the other Mongol tribes — even including Lin Danhan — would all join or imitate the Later Jin. As long as he could obtain enough wealth, Hong Taiji would have the means to purchase urgently needed grain and other supplies from those Shanxi merchants. The Great Ming was such a vast country; Hong Taiji believed he could always find some black-hearted merchants.

“As long as we succeed this time, everything beyond the Great Ming border walls will henceforth be hostile territory. The Great Ming’s border walls stretch for tens of thousands of li — how could they possibly defend them all?” Hong Taiji gazed at the map with deep emotion, studying the colossal entity that was the Ming Empire. The Later Jin regime had struggled bitterly for many years, yet its territory was gained and lost in turns, and its population steadily dwindled. Their several Beile might appear impressive on the surface, but in reality they lived on thin ice every day. “At last, we are about to break through. From now on, the sea is wide enough for fish to leap, the sky high enough for birds to fly.”

“What about Huang Shi? Huang Shi will still come back.” Though life was improving day by day, Manggūltai still could not suppress the fear in his heart. He knew full well that his eighth brother was excited right now, but Manggūltai could not help pouring cold water on him: “If the situation turns too dire, Huang Shi will still be transferred back.”

“Once we break through the passes this time, even if Huang Shi returns, it will be useless.” Hong Taiji chuckled lightly and casually pointed to the boundless Mongol steppe on the map. “He’s one Viceroy Regional Commander — at most he could have ten thousand combat troops under him. In the past, our territory was only a few thousand li, trapped in the little cage of the Liaozhong plain, so we tolerated his rampage for a while. After we break through and plunder on a grand scale this time, all of Monan Mongolia will fall into our Great Jin’s grasp. What great thing can his ten thousand infantry accomplish? With these myriad li of passes and mountains, we can penetrate straight into the Great Ming’s heartland anywhere we choose. Can he block them all with just ten thousand infantry?”

“Yes, eighth brother, you are right. Once we win over the Mongol tribes, we will implicitly be in a position to stand against the Ming as equals.” Manggūltai gazed at the map, envisioning the future, his heart filled with immense joy. These bitter days were finally about to end.

“But this is the first time we are bringing the Mongols along, so it’s best to avoid any tough battles, and the fewer casualties the better.” Hong Taiji worried that excessive losses would dishearten the Mongols. This incursion must serve as a model operation, to make their allies follow them with even greater devotion, and to accelerate the embrace of the Later Jin by those Mongols still watching from the sidelines. “Twenty to thirty thousand troops, ten thousand armored soldiers — not many, but not few either. If employed properly, much can still be achieved.”

Manggūltai nodded in agreement, then asked, “How are the grain and fodder preparations in Kharchin coming along?”

In the past, the Later Jin had no capacity to occupy the lands west of the Liaohe. After breaching Guangning, they simply hauled everything back to Liaoyang, because their grain was nearly running out and they could not sustain a large army in the field. In the previous battles of Ningyuan and Ningjin, they had fed themselves starting from Youtun, then Dalinghe, then Xingshan — all the way relying on the Guanning Army’s military provisions. The Later Jin’s tactic was the same as Mao Wenlong’s: bring only the initial portion of grain and fodder, then haul the enemy’s goods back home.

So when Yan Mingtai took charge of Liaodong affairs, the very first thing he did was move everything from Jinzhou and other places back to Ningyuan. Yan Mingtai’s theory was to leave the Later Jin “nothing in the field to plunder.” As a result, the Later Jin immediately lost the ability to raid the Guanning Army. And during the period between the seventh year of Tianqi and the first year of Chongzhen, the Later Jin army’s offensives against the Dongjiang Army and the Mongols were also extremely feeble, because both of those were dirt-poor — the Later Jin could not possibly get rich by looting the two of them.

In Huang Shi’s original timeline, this was also the period when the Dongjiangzhen controlled the most territory. Mao Wenlong at least had the Great Ming behind him, and the Later Jin army showed little reaction even to the Dongjiang Army advancing to Haizhou. The simple reason was that fighting the Dongjiang Army to the death yielded no benefit whatsoever — it was just a waste of grain and lives. It was precisely under these circumstances that, in the first year of Chongzhen, court officials one after another advocated relocating Mao Wenlong’s garrison to Gaizhou.

Now Mao Wenlong was dead, and the Dongjiangzhen had abandoned Haizhou, Gaizhou, Fuzhou, and Jinzhou, retreating all the way back to Lüshun. But that did not mean the Later Jin army no longer needed to worry about grain. First, Liaoyang also had no surplus grain. Second, given the Later Jin regime’s current economic capacity, transporting grain two thousand li to the Kharchin Mongols was not a major project it could accomplish.

Requisitioning grain from Monan Mongolia was even more impossible, because in the second year of Chongzhen the Monan steppe was again struck by a great drought. The Mongol tribes ate even their lambs, yet large numbers of people still starved to death. So Hong Taiji had to find another way to prepare military provisions. His plan was to purchase the Ming army’s stored grain from Yuan Chonghuan. This plan was highly feasible, because Chongzhen, to ensure Yuan Chonghuan could achieve “pacifying Liao in five years,” had shipped vast quantities of grain extorted from the common people to Ningyuan. Yuan Chonghuan now held more than half of the Ming Empire’s state grain reserves.

Right next to the Kharchin Mongols was Jizhen. If the military grain was stored there, then when the Later Jin army invaded the Ming heartland, it could be used directly — nothing could be more convenient. Ever since peace talks began, Hong Taiji had sent several hundred men to the Kharchin Mongols. These men, together with the Kharchin Mongols, went to Yuan Chonghuan to purchase the Ming army’s military grain, then stored it in preparation for supplying the troops during the invasion.

“The grain purchasing has been going quite well all along. No messenger has come to report lately, but with Yuan Chonghuan there, there should be nothing to worry about,” Hong Taiji said calmly.

……