Chapter 954: Public Opinion, Lawsuits, Expectations, and the Second Sincerity

The reporters at the Post wrote three drafts, driven by multiple motivations, they gave one hundred and twenty percent effort.

Of the three drafts, one was more radical, raising questions about “whether organizers should bear responsibility” and “the statute of limitations on accountability.”

If organizers must bear responsibility, shouldn’t those injured in past protests and demonstrations be compensated?

Just because the law against murder was only enacted today doesn’t mean those who killed yesterday are innocent.

The entire piece emphasized that the Labor Union is a cold, heartless political organization, and all its slogans—including the stirring “Workers of the World Unite”—are merely political tools.

Their core aim is to turn the working class into their tools, not their brothers.

The second draft was very conservative, interpreting the case through current laws; he also consulted a lawyer, who stated there was no legal basis requiring organizers to bear primary responsibility.

Moreover, this conflict wasn’t an accident like a natural disaster—it was a deliberate attack—so organizers shouldn’t bear too much responsibility, but perhaps some.

The third draft was moderate, neither sharp nor conservative; he believed this version would likely be used.

But he never expected that the Federal Post, which had always maintained a neutral stance, chose his more radical draft.

This made him realize a much larger hand—bigger than he imagined—had been pushing this matter forward rapidly from behind the scenes.

The next day, the Federal Post published the article, and as expected, the entire Federation erupted in outrage!

Immediately, debate surged over whether the Labor Union, as organizer, had an obligation to ensure the safety of those it mobilized.

Many people in society were discussing it; normally, such discussions would remain just discussions.

But this time was different: massive reporting, photographs, and especially the image of Auger lying on the ground with his eyes bulging out—turned the Federation’s lower classes into water on the verge of boiling over!

It was said that within just one day, people across the country emerged claiming they had been injured or disabled during past Labor Union-organized strikes and demonstrations.

Among them, some were genuine, others merely sought to take advantage.

The Federation had plenty of such people—far more than foreigners imagined when they thought every Federation citizen was kind, polite, and benevolent.

“People are causing trouble everywhere. We’re on the defensive.”

In the Labor Union’s headquarters conference room, the chairman—who rarely appeared in person—was present, the newspaper lying beside him.

Everyone around the table remained silent, unsure what to say, afraid to speak rashly.

In truth, even the chairman hadn’t anticipated that what he saw as a simple matter had spiraled into this.

Walter bears great responsibility!

But Walter was still detained; he turned to another acting vice-chairman. “What do you think?”

The other acting vice-chairman shook his head. “I’m still stunned, and I believe we’re ill-equipped to handle this.”

“It’s hard to distinguish who among them was genuinely injured or disabled for our cause. If we can’t identify them, more people will keep causing trouble.”

“You know how annoying those mud-sucking bureaucrats are.”

The chairman showed no expression. “So?”

“What’s your idea?”

The acting vice-chairman’s gaze fell on the newspaper, on the photos of angry, standing injured people, then he covered them with his hand. “Find a way to suppress the public opinion.”

After a moment’s thought, the chairman shook his head. “If Walter had recognized the severity of the issue from the start, things wouldn’t have reached this point.”

“Back then, the matter hadn’t fermented, public opinion hadn’t heated up—there were still ways to fix it.”

Now the public attention is so high—if we don’t pay or handle this properly, will it affect our Workers’ Party’s founding?

“But I also worry—we may not be dealing with workers genuinely injured because of us.”

“If every disabled person, every injured person claims they were hurt for us, how much money can we possibly spend on them?”

“We can’t ignore them, but we can’t meet all their demands—we must reach a decision.”

He glanced at his wrist. “Ten hours remain until quitting time. Until we reach a decision, everyone stays here. I’ll have food and water brought in.”

Several senior officials exchanged glances, all wearing helpless expressions.

Undoubtedly, this was far from an easy problem to solve.

If there were ten thousand injured or disabled people, and each demanded three hundred—half the standard compensation for workplace accidents—wouldn’t that be reasonable?

That’s three million.

But what if there are more than ten thousand?

What if they demand more than three hundred each?

That could mean hundreds of millions—or even over a billion—in expenditures!

So their initial refusal to accept responsibility wasn’t without reason.

But this matter unfolded beyond everyone’s expectations—including their own, and those of the lawmakers in Congress.

Senator Cleveland also saw the newspaper; after reading it, he laughed and tossed it aside.

It wasn’t a congressional day, and there were no meetings or hearings; he sat with friends in his estate’s garden, enjoying nature and chatting.

To give the place more elegance, Senator Cleveland kept deer and small animals in his garden.

They were like spirits of the estate, giving first-time visitors a dreamlike impression.

Though to the senator himself, they were now commonplace.

The deer weren’t afraid of people, yet maintained basic caution; they wandered nearby, occasionally turning their heads to glance at the men laughing loudly.

“That Lans guy…” the senator paused, choosing his words carefully, “...is truly a likable fellow!”

“He always finds the invisible seam on an egg—and smashes it open!”

“The Labor Union is in trouble now!”

Others nodded in agreement; they had long resented the Labor Union for threatening them with nationwide strikes at every turn.

Congress’s original plan was to have them form a Workers’ Party—two separate organizations.

They wanted the Workers’ Party to gain public support, but relying solely on the poor wouldn’t work.

They needed capital funding to advance further on the political path.

Congress intended to lull them into complacency, make them alienate themselves from the working class, then deliver a crushing blow to crush them, and finally put chains on the unions and the working class to fully control them.

But they never expected Lans to catch them off guard so quickly.

If they fail to handle this well, their influence among the working class will plummet.

At the very least, when they next demand a major strike, workers will hesitate before agreeing.

Lose your job, get crippled, receive no compensation—what’s the point?

Just to sacrifice for someone else’s greatness?

This angle is fresh, and crucially, it’s happening right now—people focus more on what’s unfolding in real time.

The Speaker of the House sat in a wicker chair, legs crossed; honestly, he found the chair uncomfortable—it was woven from reeds.

Supposedly, young, growing reeds were shaped and forced to grow into the form of a chair.

After harvesting and drying them, they were coated with tung oil and lacquer to become what they are now.

Oh, and the most important point: these were produced by the natives.

Each bizarrely shaped wicker chair cost over twenty dollars; there were more than a dozen scattered around the room.

As he shifted his weight to speak, he felt a sharp, unpleasant ache and had to change posture. “What do you think they’ll do?”

“They’re on the fire now—no way out.”

Everyone casually speculated how they might survive the crisis, and soon the conversation turned back to Lans.

“This young man is fascinating—some of his tactics have genuinely impressed me. Have you considered bringing him in?”

Senator Cleveland nodded, then shook his head. “He can’t join. His background and personal record make it impossible to reach this level.”

The Speaker raised an eyebrow. “That’s too bad.”

“But useful is fine.”

“I heard you’re sending him to Lapah?”

“You have confidence in him?”

The “Yalan Strategy” is one of the next priorities; last year, when Lans revealed that “if the Federation could take Yalan, it would bring these benefits,” Congress began studying it.

They sent many people to Yalan for field investigations—under various pretexts: commercial, scientific, investment—there was always a way to gather vital geographic intelligence.

Yalan indeed has rich mineral resources and oil, decent climate, and a sizable population—it’s a “battery” that can power the Federation’s greatness.

Now they have a battery—even if it’s not very good—it exists.

So everyone has different views on how to “conquer” Yalan.

Some believe… just treat the Yalans like their ancestors treated Federation natives.

Those who obey will be granted the privilege of working for Federation families for generations.

Those who resist? There are plenty of tropical rainforests—somewhere among them is their resting place.

Others think such methods are too brutal; they advocate softer approaches to fully integrate Yalan into the Federation.

Congress isn’t one monolithic interest group—it’s full of competing factions, each wanting more from Yalan than the others, so each must prove its strength and ability.

Whoever solves this big problem fastest will gain the most benefits.

Senator Cleveland chose Lans and his chief aide; he would send two people, but publicly, only Lans would be visible.

This won’t be easy—even Senator Cleveland himself wouldn’t claim certainty in overthrowing a nation’s government and making its people favor the Federation.

So it’s merely an experiment; the benefit is certain, at most just more or less.

Senator Cleveland smiled and shook his head. “Who knows?”

“Maybe he’ll give me a huge surprise!”

Will there be a surprise?

The senator tilted his head slightly, squinted into the sunlight—yes, there will be!

Lans didn’t know the senator held such high expectations for him, but even if he did, he wouldn’t be surprised—that’s exactly the image he wanted to cultivate.

He, capable of anything.

In the following days, the Labor Union issued several announcements in succession.

They publicly disclosed everything regarding their handling of the Jincheng strike, including providing legal aid and necessary assistance to the victims—though the results were poor, they had not done nothing.

Now, under Debbie’s leadership, these victims of Jincheng have banded together to sue the Labor Union, pushing the matter to the peak of public opinion.

The Labor Union stated they were willing to accept all legal consequences imposed upon them and would not appeal.

Whatever amount the court ruled they must pay, they would pay it—this statement reduced some of the negative public sentiment and even sparked a partial reversal.

“Submitting to the court’s ruling” was the result of two days of deliberation—it offended no one and demonstrated their respect for the law.

It also raised the cost for those seeking to exploit them.

Want compensation from the Labor Union for this?

Fine—sue the Labor Union in your local court.

Bring your lawyer and evidence proving your injury occurred during the strike due to participation in protests or demonstrations.

As long as the evidence is sufficient, the court awards what it awards, and they will pay it.

Precisely because this decision appeared so fair, many abandoned the idea of seeking medical reimbursement.

Some might have spent only a few dozen yuan on medicine, but suing the Labor Union could cost one or two hundred yuan in litigation fees.

Except for those with severe injuries or disabilities, most others would not sue the Labor Union.

They only said they would submit to the ruling—they never said they wouldn’t hire lawyers to defend themselves.

Aside from those with truly severe injuries who couldn’t afford to live, most with minor injuries chose to give up seeking medical compensation.

Although the Labor Union successfully halted the demands, their standing among the working class had declined.

The Labor Union’s legal team did not request a trial elsewhere, since the incident occurred in Jincheng, it naturally belonged in Jincheng.

One controversial point in this case was that the attackers had already served their sentences, meaning a primary responsible party existed; thus, the Labor Union’s lawyers argued they should pay, but the proportion could be reduced.

If they could lower it below fifty percent, even if others later sought to hold them accountable, the higher cost and lower reward would more effectively deter old claims.

The trial day drew intense attention; many media outlets showed up, including major papers like the Lianbang Daily and the Lianbang Post—some had begun to realize the verdict might become the standard for enacting new legislation!

This would become an important “historic moment”!

This wasn’t a case that could end with one trial, but from the start, tensions ran high, sparks flew immediately.

The Labor Union’s legal team consistently defended themselves as “not liable,” though they knew the final outcome would inevitably be against them.

This was Jincheng— from the rat in the courtroom corner to the judge seated high above, all were Lans’s people.

The Labor Union could not win here, could not win in Licaizhou, could not win in the Supreme Court.

But they would still fight hard!

The public attention on these news stories once suppressed awareness of the war.

War was too distant from ordinary people, especially those living along the original coastal regions, who might have learned about war only from newspapers their entire lives.

Thus, compared to cases closer to their daily lives, attention to the war naturally diminished.

Thus, as time moved toward mid-to-late July, the end of the month arrived—the time for splitting the money.

Lans called General Diaz, saying he wished to pay a personal visit; after more than half a month of silence, General Diaz did not refuse.

He invited Lans to his office for a meeting, not his villa—they were friends, but not that close.

Lans chose to visit at five in the afternoon; Diaz understood Lans’s intent—he realized Lans was, in some ways, quite aggressive.

Visiting at this hour meant Lans was certain General Diaz would invite him to dinner.

This puzzled Diaz—on what grounds was he so sure Diaz would keep him?

With this question in mind, he waited until 4:55 p.m., when his aide knocked and informed him Lans had arrived.

“Is he alone?”

“No, he brought two others—each carrying a large suitcase.”

General Diaz frowned, then relaxed—he didn’t believe Lans would harm him.

He knew ambitious, capable men often followed rules more faithfully than fools.

“Let him in.”

(End of Chapter)