Chapter 201: Prologue 4

June 1949, Yanjing, Zhongnanhai Yi Nian Tang. The conference room windows were open, and the summer sun filtered through the panes, casting mottled light on the blue‑brick floor. Smoke curled in the room; Ren Ming sat at one end of the long table, his cigarette half‑burned. Zhou Ming, Liu Wang, Liu Shao, Ren Bi and others sat on the opposite sides.

A thick stack of documents lay on the table, the top one titled "Investigation Report on the Situation of Former Kuomintang Southeast Military‑Political Chief Li Yuxuan." This was a special meeting of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee on the "Important War Criminal Handling Issue," and it had been going on for three hours.

Zhou Ming sat to Ren Ming's right, holding a thick file. The cover read "Li Yuxuan." He had just read Li Yuxuan's résumé: Director of the Office of General Affairs at Huangpu Military Academy, Commander of the Third War Zone, Army First‑Class General, Southeast Military‑Political Chief…

"That's the situation," Zhou Ming said, setting the file down and scanning the participants. "Li Yuxuan is now in Jinling, temporarily overseen by the Third Yejun. How should we handle him? Please give your opinions."

The first speaker was the General Political Department, a man in his fifties with a heavy Yuzhang accent: "According to policy, Li Yuxuan is a Class‑A War Criminal. An Army First‑Class General and the highest commander in the Southeast; that rank cannot be sent to Gongde Lin, it would be unacceptable. The comrades below will have opinions—why were Lieutenant Generals Du Yuming and Wang Yaowu sent in, while his First‑Class General rank is treated specially?"

"But he has Anti‑Japanese Merit," said the United Front Department Deputy Director, glasses on, refined in appearance. "In the 1938 Jiangcheng Campaign, his Third War Zone restrained a Japanese division in Wannan. In the 1942 Zhejiang‑Jiangxi Campaign, he led his troops in a bloody line of battle at Jinhua and Quzhou, suffering thirty‑thousand casualties and holding the Japanese for two months. All of this is recorded in the historical archives."

"A merit is a merit, a fault is a fault," a deputy minister said, shaking his head. "There are many Kuomintang generals with Anti‑Japanese Merit; does that mean none of them are war criminals? Then why do we even have a War Criminal Management Office?"

The conference room fell silent for a moment. In the corner, a fan buzzed, unable to stir the heavy atmosphere.

"Let me say a few words," said Chen Yi. He had just arrived from Modu, dusty and weary, but in good spirits. "Li Yuxuan is a man I've dealt with; Comrade Zhou Ming knows him."

Zhou Ming nodded: "Yes. At that time we received intelligence in Chongqing that Li Yuxuan ordered the Third War Zone, 'to focus on expulsion and not let the situation expand.'"

"That is a fact," Chen Yi continued. "Moreover, after the civil war broke out in 1946, his Third War Zone had little contact with us.

"A relatively lighter charge is still a crime," a young cadre said. "He is, after all, a senior Kuomintang commander, representing the reactionary class. If we do not deal with him, how can we answer the people? How can we demonstrate the thoroughness of the revolution?"

The debate began to heat up. Some advocated severe punishment, some leniency, some suggested "lock him up and discuss later."

Ren Ming remained silent the whole time. He sat in the chairman's seat, chain‑smoking, his eyes half‑closed, as if listening yet pondering something else. The ashtray already held seven or eight cigarette ends.

"Chairman, what is your opinion?" Zhou Ming looked toward Ren Ming.

Ren Ming pinched out the cigarette in his hand and spoke slowly: "Li Yuxuan… I know him."

The conference room fell quiet.

"In 1914, I was studying at Xingcheng Diyi Shifan; he was a part‑time instructor, teaching Military Theory. He was just over twenty, freshly returned from studying in Germany, dressed in a crisp suit, but his lectures were gentle, without the bearing of an old soldier." Ren Ming's voice sounded distant. "Once after class I asked him, 'Mr. Li, how do you think Huaxia can become strong?'"

He paused, as if returning to that youthful afternoon.

He replied, "Classmates, this is a big question. But I think, first, we must unify; second, industrialize; third, have a modern army." I asked, "What about the peasant issue? The land issue?" He thought for a moment and said, "You're right, I hadn't considered that. The army and industry are important, but the foundation is that the people must have enough to eat."

Ren Ming lit another cigarette: "At that time I thought, this man, though standing on the ruling class side, at least… was willing to hear dissenting views and to think. Later he went to Huangpu, followed the battalion commander, and took another path. But I heard that at Huangpu he still emphasized in his lectures 'soldiers serve the people,' not any individual or party."

He took a drag and looked at Zhou Ming: "Zhou Ming, you heard his lectures at Huangpu, right?"

"I have," Zhou Ming nodded. "He taught 'Military Ethics,' saying, 'A soldier's loyalty is first to the nation and the people, then to superiors.' That was bold at the time, because the battalion commander was emphasizing 'absolute obedience.'"

"So this man," Ren Ming tapped the ash, "has his own principles. During the Anti‑Japanese period he fought well. In the civil war he was passive. At the final moment he ordered his troops to lay down arms, reducing bloodshed. These are all facts."

The Deputy Director of the General Political Department opened his mouth but stopped.

Ren Ming saw it, waved his hand: "I know what you're about to say. A merit is a merit, a fault is a fault, policy is policy. My view is: if he should be sent to Gongde Lin, then he must be sent."

The participants were somewhat surprised.

"However," Ren Ming's tone shifted, "the way we treat him after sending him in is another matter. Li Yuxuan is different from other war criminals. First, he has Anti‑Japanese Great Merit. Second, he protected our comrades. Third, at the final moment he made the right choice. So my view is: send him in, follow procedure, but give him special internal care."

He looked at the General Political Department: "You're worried there will be dissent below? Then explain the reasoning clearly. We will always acknowledge Anti‑Japanese Merit; we will always remember good deeds. But historical issues must be dealt with, procedures followed. Sending him to Gongde Lin isn't to punish him, it's to protect him—there are still Kuomintang agents outside trying to rescue him, right?"

Zhou Ming replied: "Indeed. We received intelligence that Military Intelligence has a Special Action Team infiltrating the Mainland, one of whose targets is 'eliminating traitorous generals.' If Li Yuxuan isn't under our control, he becomes a danger."

"Therefore," Ren Ming concluded, "sending him to Gongde Lin shows the seriousness of policy outwardly, while actually protecting him inwardly. After a period, when the situation stabilizes, we'll consider the next step. What do you think?"

No one objected further.