Chapter 225: Still Steaming

In early June one afternoon, Gongde Lin organized War Criminals to study the latest policy documents. In the Management Office's small auditorium sat over thirty people, all former Kuomintang mid‑high‑level generals and officials. At the podium, Liu Guangzhi was reading the State Council's progress report on land reform.

"…Up to now, in the New Liberation Areas of Huadong, Zhongnan, Xibei, etc., 230 million agricultural people have completed land allocation, accounting for 78 % of the agricultural population of the New Liberation Areas…"

Someone below whispered. Li Yuxuan sat in the first row by the window, his expression calm as he listened.

"Director," Huang Wei lowered his voice, "what do you think of this land reform? Can it really work?"

Li Yuxuan did not answer immediately, his gaze turning to the flower beds under renovation outside the window. Several young administrators were loosening soil, preparing to plant new seedlings.

"When we governed Badong and Southwest, we also tried land improvement," he said slowly, his voice very light, "but the resistance was too great; local gentry and clan forces were entangled, and it ended inconclusively. The Republic could succeed, first because the war had just ended and the old order was shattered; second because they mobilized the poorest hired farmers, and once that force awakens…"

He did not continue, but Huang Wei already understood.

Onstage, Liu Guangzhi continued reading: "After peasants obtain land, production enthusiasm rises sharply. Across the country, agricultural production mutual aid groups spontaneously organize, helping each other with labor, swapping work, and labor productivity improves markedly…"

"Mutual aid groups," Li Yuxuan murmured, "they're learned from the Soviet collective farms, but they're different. Huaxia peasants have been single‑household for millennia; now we must make them cooperate…"

"Director, what do you think of this method?" the former National Government Minister of Economy sitting in the front row turned his head to ask. This minister had studied in Britain and was well‑versed in economic policy.

Li Yuxuan pondered a moment: "The key rests on two points: first, whether the principle of voluntariness can be upheld; second, how efficient the organization is. The problems of Chinese villages have never been only land allocation, but also low productivity, backward technology, dilapidated irrigation… If mutual aid groups can solve these, it is a way out."

His analysis was calm and objective; a few people around nodded slightly. Though their positions differed, Li Yuxuan's ability and insight were recognized in Gongde Lin.

After the study, Liu Guangzhi deliberately walked to Li Yuxuan's side: "Viscount Jing, what do you think of today's document?"

"Seek truth from facts; the progress is faster than I imagined," Li Yuxuan closed his notebook, "but the hardest part is still ahead—rural governance after land reform, agricultural tax, preventing new land consolidation… these issues all need wisdom."

Liu Guangzhi's eyes brightened: "You hit the nail on the head! The State Council is currently researching rural policy after land reform; if you could write some suggestions…"

"Guangzhi," Li Yuxuan waved his hand, "my current position is unsuitable."

"It was said, 'Unite all forces that can be united.'" Liu Guangzhi said seriously, "Many admire your views on rural matters. The last time he came, didn't he also consult you on Southeast defense?"

Li Yuxuan gave no reply, but a flicker of emotion passed through his eyes.

On the evening of June 8, Gongde Lin's broadcast aired a summary of the speech given at the Seventh Session of the Third Central Committee. Li Yuxuan sat in his room, listening carefully to every word.

"…To achieve a fundamental improvement in fiscal and economic conditions, three conditions are needed: completion of land reform, reasonable adjustment of existing industry and commerce, and massive reduction of state institutions' expenditures…"

The broadcast echoed in the quiet courtyard. Li Yuxuan closed his eyes, his fingers lightly tapping his knee, a thinking habit he developed while studying in Germany.

"Land reform, industry‑commerce adjustment, institutional streamlining…" he repeated softly, "precise. Post‑war economic recovery, these three are indeed the most critical."

He recalled the economic construction plan he implemented while governing Southwest in 1931, when he also tried to rectify industry and commerce and streamline institutions, but ultimately faced bureaucratic and interest‑group obstruction. Today, the Republic, with its strong organizational ability and the prestige of revolutionary victory, might truly accomplish what he could not back then.

The broadcast continued: "…We must advance steadily, balance relations with all sides, unite workers, peasants, small‑handicraft artisans, as well as the vast majority of the national bourgeoisie and intellectuals…"

"Unite the national bourgeoisie," Li Yuxuan opened his eyes, thoughtful, "that's different from the Soviet case. Huaxia capitalists are few and weak, but their technology and management experience are exactly what we now need…"

The room door was gently knocked; Liu Guangzhi entered with a document: "Viscount Jing, this is the full report of the session; that person asked me to bring it for you to see."

Li Yuxuan took the document; the cover bore the title *Struggle for the Fundamental Improvement of the Nation's Fiscal and Economic Situation*. He opened the first page, his flamboyant signature flashing—this was the handwritten original.

"This…" he looked up at Liu Guangzhi.

"He said you were a participant in the National Government's economic decision‑making and have long governed regions; he wants your view," Liu Guangzhi said sincerely, "It's not a formal solicitation, just an exchange among friends."

Li Yuxuan remained silent for a long while, then finally nodded: "I'll take a look."

That night, the light in his room stayed on until deep night.