Chapter 617: Breaking Away from the Expeditionary Force

As Nanko's influence in Southeast Asia fully expanded, its territory spanned Myanmar, the Malay Peninsula, Singapore, and Sumatra, and its military‑political system became independently established.

Far away in the Chongqing Government, voices of doubt and discontent grew ever louder, and could no longer be suppressed.

Officials and senior military leaders throughout the Government privately discussed and publicly reported, pointing to a core issue: Jiang Anguo, who came from the Government, is a Senior Officer of the Government's Expeditionary Force, officially listed in the Government's establishment and bearing a Government military rank.

But now his actions are wholly that of an independent warlord.

All decisions, all campaigns, all diplomacy, all prioritize Nanko's interests.

He never consulted Chongqing, never considered the Government's stance, and effectively treated Nanyang as his own private territory.

In fact, this situation was not only objected to by Chongqing; even Du Yuming reported it many times, but the front changed too rapidly, and the st Division kept winning battles, so Du Yuming could not always criticize from behind.

In an instant, dissent erupted in the court, and public opinion surged beneath the surface.

Countless letters reached the center, and everyone said: Jiang Anguo, while holding a Government command position, has privately established a regime, seized territory, unilaterally conducted independent diplomacy with the United Kingdom and the United States, arbitrarily dealt with tens of thousands of British Army prisoners of war, independently signed trade and Sovereignty Treaties, and thus has the momentum of secession and independence from the center.

The layers of criticism piled up, causing Chongqing great internal and external pressure, and made Jiang Anguo fully realize that now was the best moment for him to break away from the Government and legitimize Nanko's complete independence.

Anyone with eyes can see clearly that although Chen Jiageng is nominally president of Nanko, Jiang Anguo's shadow seems to be everywhere.

At this time, the Chongqing senior officials, including the Principal himself, were still kept in the dark, completely unaware that Nanko had already signed a formal Sovereignty Treaty with the United Kingdom, and also unaware that the Nanyang situation had long settled.

The Government's senior officials stubbornly believed that all the territory Jiang Anguo now occupies were former United Kingdom colonies, constituting temporary occupations without foundation or legitimate endorsement.

If the United Kingdom recovers from the war's decline and gathers its Navy's main force for a distant counterattack, the isolated overseas Nanko forces would be powerless to hold, ultimately collapsing entirely and vanishing.

Many Government elders rushed to advise the Principal, deliberately exaggerating the risk: "Nanko's foundation is too shallow, isolated overseas, with no rear, no support; the British Army is only temporarily unable to look eastward, and once European hostilities stabilize, the British Empire will inevitably strike back."

"When that time comes, all the warfare and disputes will stem from Jiang Anguo; not only will the Nanyang territory be indefensible, but it will also entangle the Government, dragging the interior into great power conflicts and provoking British Army retaliation, a loss outweighing any gain."

In the Principal's mind, he had always thought his nephew's step was too large and overly aggressive.

In just a year, Jiang Anguo went from an ordinary junior officer to a warlord who seized a region and established his own system; the speed of expansion was shocking and had long exceeded the Government's control.

Yet deep down, he still held expectations and personal motives toward Jiang Anguo, both fearing his overwhelming power and feeling gratified that he could project Chinese prestige overseas, winning overseas territory for Huaxia.

But now, the public‑opinion pressure and diplomatic pressure from within the Government have become unbearable for him.

He is a hesitant person, especially since those elders are still present and can sway thoughts with fresh influence.

The Principal also wavered.

What troubled the Principal most was also the diplomatic pressure from the United Kingdom.

Before Jiang Anguo signed a treaty with Churchill, the British were almost constant guests at Huangshan Mansion.

The British ambassador to Chongqing visited the door several times over consecutive days, with a hardline, step‑by‑step pressing attitude, continuously pressuring the Government.

He ordered the Principal to immediately issue an order, commanding the overseas Expeditionary Force to withdraw entirely back home, denying all legitimacy of Nanko's regime.

Many within the Government also suggested to him: publicly declare that all of Jiang Anguo's actions are unrelated to the Government, clearing the relationship between the two.

The British ambassador's attitude was arrogant, his words highly oppressive: "The Nanko built by Jiang Anguo is an illegal secession, encroaching on the British Empire's legitimate colonies."

"If the Chongqing Government cannot restrain its subordinate commanders or stop the illegal secession, the British will regard Chongqing as an hostile counterpart, subsequently terminating all aid to China, freezing cooperation with China, and even reserving the right to impose sanctions and military pressure on China."

Under layer upon layer of pressure, the Principal found himself in a dilemma, torn on both sides.

If he does not withdraw the Expeditionary Force nor deny Nanko, he must face the United Kingdom's diplomatic sanctions and international pressure, further worsening the already difficult anti‑Japanese war situation.

But if he forcibly pressures Jiang Anguo, forcing him to abandon his foundation, he cannot bear to give up this hard‑won overseas establishment, nor the Nanyang situation that Jiang Anguo created.

The Principal is a grateful man, after all Jiang Anguo's father was his own brother, and sacrificed himself in Xi'an to save him.

The stalemate persisted, the hearts of those inside and outside the Government wavered, and everyone waited for the Principal to make a decision.

From his seat in Singapore, Jiang Anguo quickly learned of these developments through intelligence agents he had placed in Chongqing, taking in all of Chongqing's movements.

"It's time to leave," Jiang Anguo shook his head helplessly.

It's not that he doesn't want to move north, but he cannot, he dares not!

Incompetent!

Jiang Anguo knew the timing was ripe; rather than being passively cut off by the Government and driven out by public opinion, it was better to proactively withdraw, a dignified separation, completely severing the subordinate relationship with the Government, allowing Nanko to become a fully independent sovereign regime unrestrained by anyone.

Thus, Jiang Anguo immediately ordered his trusted aide Lin Yi to set out for Chongqing, fully authorized to handle the negotiations.

Lin Yi's core mission on this trip was crystal clear: formally present to the Chongqing Government that Jiang Anguo and all his Nanyang combat units would completely detach from the Expeditionary Force establishment and the Government's hierarchy, and fully fall under Nanko's jurisdiction.

At the same time, to make this separation appear justified and to win the Principal's willing assent, Jiang Anguo specially prepared a heavyweight bargaining chip that the Government could not refuse.

After all, that Chongqing man was, in any case, his own uncle.

Helping him deal with the Japanese Army threat also served to prevent more civilians from being sacrificed by this war.

Inside the Chongqing Presidential Palace's reception room, the atmosphere was solemn and heavy.

The Principal sat at the head seat, his expression complex, his eyes hiding reluctance, apprehension, and helplessness.

Looking at the long‑distance‑arriving Lin Yi, after a long silence the Principal spoke first: "Lin Yi, you have come a long way on behalf of Anguo; you must have something to say to me."

"Now the Government faces constant criticism, the United Kingdom presses step by step, and his actions in Nanyang—are they too rash, too flamboyant?"

In fact, before this, the Principal did not know Lin Yi.

The Military Command had just submitted this young man's information, and of course, when the st Division's establishment was signed, Lin Yi, as Deputy Division Commander, had his name in the roster.

It was only that the Principal had not paid attention.