Chapter 317: The British Have Cowered

"Lanfang compensation?" Ji Qin Na frowned, "What kind of compensation?"

"For example, they could pay the workers' breach‑of‑contract penalties," Laohe·Qiaozhi said, "or make concessions in other areas—lower the price of our exported goods, open more markets, and so on."

Ambassador Bo Di spoke, his voice soft but everyone listened attentively: "Before I came from Paris, I talked with Faguo Prime Minister Bai Li An. Faguo's attitude… is very contradictory."

"What do you mean?" Ge Lei asked.

"On one hand, Faguo indeed needs labor. The Verdun battle lasted four months; we lost three hundred thousand people, and the logistics system is on the brink of collapse. On the other hand, the French are also very clear—if they fall out with Lanfang, their colonies in Yazhou (Indochina) will be the first to be threatened."

Bo Di swallowed some water: "Bai Li An's exact words were: 'We cannot risk losing all of Indochina for the 150,000 X workers.'"

The conference room fell silent. Indochina—Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia—was Faguo's most important colony in Yazhou, abundant in rubber, rice, and minerals.

Prime Minister As Kui Si looked at Ge Lei: "Edward, you've dealt with Chen Feng. Do you think he's serious? Does he really dare to go to war with us over these workers?"

Ge Lei remained silent for a long time. He recalled the meeting in Dubai with Chen Feng, recalling the Chinese leader's calm and resolute gaze.

"Prime Minister," he finally said, "Chen Feng cannot be judged by ordinary logic. He is not like a traditional politician with so many scruples and calculations. He is more like… a businessman, but treats the whole nation as a business."

"What does that mean?"

"It means that for every action he takes, he calculates costs and benefits," Ge Lei said, "In today's matter, he's not calculating military victory or diplomatic gain, but something longer‑term—the hearts of the Chinese world."

He stood up and walked to the window: "We've ruled Yazhou for a hundred years; what have we relied on? Not mercy, but strength and division. We have incited Chinese infighting, made Chinese feel inferior, made Chinese think whites are a superior race. But now Chen Feng is breaking this pattern. He wants to show all Chinese by action that there is a nation that will protect you, even if it opposes the world."

"So this labor incident," Ge Lei turned around, "for Chen Feng, it's not a matter of 150,000 lives; it's a symbol, a declaration. If he succeeds, his prestige in the Chinese world will reach its peak. If he fails, Lanfang's legitimacy will be shaken."

Jie Li Ke understood: "So for him, this is a battle that cannot be lost."

"Right." Ge Lei nodded, "So his ultimatum is not a bluff. If we don't concede, he will truly go to war. Moreover, he has calculated that we won't dare to fight—because our main enemy is in Europe."

Ji Qin Na was still unwilling: "So we just leave it at that? What about the Empire's dignity?"

"Dignity?" Prime Minister As Kui Si chuckled wryly, "Ji Qin Na, do you know how many died on the Western Front yesterday? Eight thousand. Eight thousand young men who will never return home. Compared with their lives, how much is the Empire's dignity worth?"

He stood up, surveyed everyone: "Vote. Raise your hand if you agree to let the workers go."

Jie Li Ke was the first to raise his hand. Then came Ge Lei, Laohe·Qiaozhi, and Bo Di.

Four votes in favor.

Ji Qin Na did not raise his hand. He also did not oppose, just wore a gloomy face.

As Kui Si raised his own hand: "Five votes for, one abstention. Passed."

He sat down and began drafting the order: "To the Jialai garrison: allow Chinese laborers to voluntarily depart, no obstruction. To Chen Feng, reply: the Yingguo government respects humanitarian principles, agrees to the workers' voluntary departure. However, it demands that the Lanfang government commit not to interfere again in legitimate contracts between Yingguo and other nations in similar ways."

Ge Lei added: "Add another clause: hope to conduct further negotiations with Lanfang on this incident to reach a solution acceptable to both sides."

"Fine." As Kui Si finished writing, signed his name, "Send a copy to Paris, see what the Faguo people say."

The order was dispatched. No one left the conference room; they waited—waiting for Jialai's echo, waiting for Faguo's reaction, waiting to see how this crisis would finally conclude.

Outside the window, London drizzled. Raindrops struck the glass, blurring the world beyond.

In the heart of this empire on which the sun never sets, a group of elders made a humiliating decision. Yet they knew it was the only rational choice.

In this era, reason often means humiliation.

But it's still better than annihilation.

Paris, the Army Headquarters building.

One p. m. (Paris and London share the same time zone), Faguo Prime Minister Bai Li An, Army Commander‑in‑Chief Marshal Xiafei, Navy Minister La Ka Zi, and Colonial Minister Du Mei Ge sat around a small round table.

On the table lay two telegrams: Chen Feng's ultimatum, and the report just received from London.

Marshal Xiafei—this sixty‑four‑year‑old veteran, the overall commander of the Verdun battle—was the first to speak, his voice hoarse and weary: "If all 150,000 laborers withdraw, our logistics system will collapse within three months. Verdun's ammunition supply is already strained; if we have no engineers or supply carriers…"

He did not finish, but the meaning was clear.

Navy Minister La Ka Zi remained relatively calm: "But if we don't release them, what if Lanfang truly enters the war? Their two battleships are at Jialai, and the Main Gun can cover the entire harbor. If we fire, Jialai Port will be destroyed—that's the most important supply hub between us and Yingguo."

Colonial Minister Du Mei Ge, more concerned with Yazhou, said: "My subordinates in Indochina report that Lanfang has increased troops in Borneo. Though few, it's clearly a demonstration. If we fall out with Lanfang, their fleet in Borneo can sail to Saigon in just three days."

Prime Minister Bai Li An massaged his temples. This fifty‑four‑year‑old politician, who took office last November, already faced the Verdun meat grinder, and now an additional Asian crisis.

"The Yingguo people have already decided," he said, "They choose to let them go. If we insist on not releasing them, we will have to face Lanfang's threat alone."

Marshal Xiafei erupted: "Then let the Yingguo people defend Verdun! They fight on our land, and now they won't even let a few laborers leave?"

"Marshal, calm down," Bai Li An said, "The Yingguo have also paid a huge price. Moreover, they're right—if we go to war with Lanfang, our colonies in Yazhou are indeed in danger."

He looked at Du Mei Ge: "Can Indochina hold out?"

Du Mei Ge sighed: "We can't hold it. Our naval power in Yazhou is almost zero; all ships have been recalled to Europe. Lanfang has there two brand‑new battleships, two Hood‑class battlecruisers, and an unknown number of cruisers and destroyers. But they can defeat the Sakura Nation's navy, more than enough to deal with us."

"What if Yingguo helps?"

"Yingguo?" Du Mei Ge shook his head, "Their own Far East fleet has to keep an eye on Lanfang and also protect India, Australia, New Zealand. They can't fully help us defend Indochina. Moreover, even if they help, what could they actually do!"

The room fell silent. Only Marshal Xiafei's heavy breathing could be heard.