Chapter 568: The Grand Nation-Building Endeavor Poised for Action

Li Lin, as the designated heir to Emperor Li Xian's noble title, was enfeoffed as Prince Ning. Li Bai observed that his study was clearly more luxurious than the one Fang Chongyong had in his residence at Bianzhou.

Even though Li Bai had followed Ji Ge for a few years and was already accustomed to the palace furnishings, he couldn't help but remark that the emperor's family was indeed very wealthy.

Moreover, they were willing to spend on themselves, unlike Fang Chongyong, who always had a miserly mindset, unwilling to spend for enjoyment and never even gave his residence a proper renovation.

After Li Lin, Li Yu, and Li Bai were seated, Li Lin smiled at Li Bai and asked, "May I ask what business Mr. Li Bai has in Chang'an this time? I still have a little face left; if Mr. Li Bai runs into trouble, I can intercede for you."

Li Bai is politically immature, but Li Lin's approach amounts to "offering unsolicited attentions, either treacherous or thieving," and the lecherous stance is far too obvious.

Even someone like Li Bai cannot be fooled.

"Your Highness, I have official duties, so I cannot disclose."

Li Bai replied calmly, putting on an inscrutable air.

Li Lin did not waste words and got straight to the point:

"When the present Son of Heaven is unrighteous, the murder of father and sovereign provokes the collective fury of men and gods."

Our family has been deeply favored by the late emperor, and not a day goes by without yearning to avenge and clear his grievances. The imperial line wishes to support Prince Yong to ascend in Chang'an, claim the throne, and restore order.

I have already spoken openly; may I ask Mr. Li Bai to tell me what business brings you from Bianzhou to Chang'an this time?

Li Lin stared into Li Bai's eyes and asked; his tone was not harsh, but his intent was now laid bare, with no concealment.

They had come precisely for "that matter."

Li Bai never imagined that Li Lin and his group would play such a big game, outright saying they would dethrone the current emperor Li Chang and then support Prince Yong to the throne!

How dare they!

This left Li Bai's mind in utter turmoil.

He had never imagined the nation could be so chaotic that close members of the imperial clan were already discussing replacing the Son of Heaven!

Is Emperor Li Chang's position so unstable that members of the imperial clan have already begun debating to topple him?

Regarding this, Li Bai didn't know what to say; he is a master poet, even a talent overflowing.

But these political conspiracies are beyond Li Bai's comprehension.

He could only cross his arms and bow to Li Lin perfunctorily, saying, "Your Highness's wishes, I, Li, will certainly convey to Prince Yong."

Seeing Li Bai evade, Li Lin's eyes flashed with disappointment, then his expression returned to normal.

Li Lin laughed somewhat nonchalantly, "That's natural; after you return, Mr. Li Bai, just convey our goodwill to Prince Yong, and we will be immensely grateful."

Li Lin's attitude suddenly grew cold, because he had seen through that Li Bai was merely a 'runner,' never given Li Lin full authority, not participating in diplomacy, and thus unable to give them any guarantee.

At this point, Li Lin was too lazy even to write a handwritten letter.

If Li Bai were detained, the fact that he carried a handwritten letter might easily become a pretext against him.

When conversation stalled, just as Li Bai was about to rise and take his leave, the previously silent Li Yu suddenly asked, "Mr. Li Bai, what business do you have in seeking Yan Xianggong? Could you tell us?"

This question was hard to dodge, since Li Lin had already informed Li Bai of their desire to support Li Lin as emperor. If Li Bai kept the matter hidden, it would be rather impolite.

It could even bring about a fatal disaster!

After all, Chang'an is not Li Lin's domain; those of the imperial line could easily fabricate trivial charges against Li Bai and have him detained.

With no other choice, Li Bai honestly told Li Lin and Li Yu, "Prince Yong wishes to dispatch troops to Luoyang, opening the three cities of Heyang so that the grain transport can flow smoothly. I will pay a visit to Yan Xianggong to facilitate Guanzhong's deployment, to jointly strike Luoyang; then the great undertaking can succeed!"

Li Bai spoke passionately, as if he were leading troops to chastise the great commander Baichen!

Li Lin and Li Yu exchanged glances; although this news wasn't what they hoped for, it was still explosive!

Recently Chang'an has fallen into a shortage of grain and supplies; Yan Zhenqing is overwhelmed daily and powerless to cope. If Luoyang could be retaken, not only would the imperial forces gain a forward bridgehead, but the blocked grain transport hub could also be opened.

It's simply brilliant.

But soon, the two recalled the question Fang Chongyong had raised earlier: after capturing Luoyang, who would the city belong to?

"That's great; I will definitely work hard to make this happen."

Li Lin suppressed his inner doubt, clapped his hands and laughed loudly.

Regardless, opening the grain transport between Guanzhong and Guandong is the most urgent matter right now.

Even if it's difficult, it cannot be left undone!

Even if Li Lin and his group's stance differs completely from Li Chang's, it does not hinder Li Lin and his allies from fully supporting the expedition to Luoyang.

Seeing Li Lin's full commitment, Li Bai finally breathed a sigh of relief.

In fact, this matter remains quite secret; if Li Lin, as a royal prince, were to meddle, it would inevitably cause complications. However, if the imperial clan can support the deployment, the Guanzhong expedition to Luoyang could soon be scheduled.

Seeing that Li Lin and Li Yu had no intention to continue, Li Bai made a few polite remarks and rose to take his leave. He still needed to go see Yan Zhenqing to confirm whether this could be done, and ideally obtain Yan Zhenqing's handwritten letter.

After Li Bai left, Li Lin looked at Li Yu and asked, "What should we do about this?"

"Do nothing; Yan Xianggong is the one we should worry about."

Li Yu said with a smiling face.

Li Lin was first stunned, then reconsidered and thought it indeed was so.

Unless at the brink of life and death, they would not gamble their fortunes and lives.

"That's true, indeed."

Li Lin sighed lightly, at least Li Bai brought good news.

Who would have thought Li Yu then suggested, "Brother, after the grain transport is opened, Chang'an's grain prices will certainly fall. So now, sell grain at high prices. It can boost reputation, earn wealth, and also deplete the grain stock, a triple benefit."

Upon hearing this, Li Lin finally understood.

The court's expedition to Luoyang is highly likely to proceed, because Chang'an's grain shortage is now severe. If this continues, even if the noble families and imperial clan do not oppose, the common people of Chang'an will rebel.

Since troops can be dispatched and there is support from Bianzhou's forces, opening the grain transport route should not be difficult.

Once the grain transport is open, provisions from the two Huai regions and Jiangnan can flow into Chang'an, and grain prices in the city will naturally fall.

This timeframe will likely be around next spring when the ice and snow melt.

Therefore, from now until next spring will be the high-price period for Chang'an grain, a perfect time to dump surplus grain.

"Sell, must sell, and sell quickly!"

Upon hearing that the court was going to send troops, there would surely be others jumping on the bandwagon to sell grain!

Li Lin said excitedly.

When the ruling class, from top to bottom, is united in wanting to get something done, it is almost certain that the government will spare no effort to accomplish it.

Opening the canal is beneficial to all of Chang'an and even the whole Guanzhong; it's just a matter of who benefits more.

The court will certainly push it forward.

Li Lin and Li Yu decided to take advantage of the time before the policy was announced, acting early to make a profit.

……

In the office of the Bianzhou prefecture, Liu Yan showed no expression as he handed a stack of documents to Fang Chongyong; these were the preliminary statistics on the state's land sent by the prefect of the six prefectures under Xuanwu Garrison, which Liu Yan had then organized into accounts.

To sum it up in one sentence, it is shocking.

The data here covers only the six prefectures under Xuanwu Garrison; as for the three prefectures originally under the Tianping Army's jurisdiction, as well as Dengzhou and Qingzhou to the east near the sea, because the local government has not yet fully taken control, the statistics have not been sent over yet.

Of this, the land owned by owner‑cultivators is actually less than ten percent.

Naturally, those super‑powerful landlords who hold especially large tracts are also few, and the land they own is also less than ten percent.

Landlords with tens of thousands of retainers at their beck and call are merely legends; at least in Henan there are none.

The other large, medium, and small landowners, however, hold a lot of land.

These people account for almost eighty percent, the true mainstream; among them, it is common to see a household's fields worked by dozens of tenant farmers. Of course, these are only rough statistics.

This situation was somewhat beyond Fang Chongyong's expectations; he had thought there would be a few big landowners in Guanzhong, but not so many in Henan.

But upon reflection it makes sense, for the Tang has long pursued a policy of demilitarizing non‑Guanzhong, non‑frontier regions, and the super‑large landowners outside Guanzhong have been the targets of strict suppression.

Such big landlords and powerful magnates can easily raise a force with a single call; their very existence makes the Tang, which rose on the strength of Guanzhong's magnates, unable to rest easy.

Most astonishing of all, the state‑owned official fields attached to government offices have dwindled to a point where they are almost negligible.

"Back when the rent‑labor‑tax system was still functioning, how did the various prefectures of Henan collect their taxes?"

Fang Chongyong asked with a puzzled look.

As the saying goes, ice three feet thick does not form in a single day; the current land‑distribution situation, together with the phenomenon of state land being reduced to zero, obviously did not arise overnight.

"I believe that as long as there is a canal, we can collect commercial taxes to make up for the land rent, and handling corvée duties will not be difficult."

"Areas with inconvenient transport, however, are another matter."

Liu Yan laughed.

Why would he say that?

Because when he served as magistrate of Xiaxian in the past, he used exactly this method, and there he hardly collected any land tax at all.

This method works for Liu Yan, and other officials can naturally use it as well.

Even Zheng Shuqing once used it! In the local area of Qizhou they simply substituted commercial tax for land tax.

"As for next year's two taxes, how does Judge Liu plan to collect them? The situation is not optimistic."

Fang Chongyong let out a soft sigh, asked, and set the ledger aside.

Li Yu's ascension to the throne amounts to a "founding"; it is a perfect window to strongly adjust land policy.

This must be done.

"Each prefecture should retain some land for the public.

"Without official fields, there can be no ever‑normal granaries.

"Without ever‑normal granaries, the government cannot control grain prices.

"This point cannot be compromised.

"Other matters can be dealt with gradually."

Liu Yan whispered a proposal to Fang Chongyong.

Regardless of the details, first reclaim the government's fields, then have tenants farm them; this is effectively a kind of equal‑field system, which helps settle the agricultural population lacking farmland.

More importantly, this step of reform can be carried out openly and justly against disobedient landlords and powerful magnates!

If the government wants public fields but you refuse to give up even a share of your vast holdings, all we can say is sorry.

Anyone who does not support the government is a troublemaker; as a troublemaker, no matter how much land you have, you are a target for strict suppression.

The more land you have, the more reactionary you are!

"Official fields should account for at least thirty percent of a prefecture's land, preferably half.

"If even that cannot be achieved, the government will lack the ability to regulate grain prices.

"How then can one speak of governing a region?"

Fang Chongyong nodded and said, agreeing with Liu Yan's view.

The government must control some land; otherwise, when floods or droughts strike, Fang Chongyong reckons he would have to kneel at the gate of a great household and beg for relief.

How could such reasoning exist in the world!

"Handing over land to the government is, for some people, no different from cutting flesh.

"Is the Jiedushi planning to use force?"

Liu Yan asked, somewhat puzzled.

This is obvious; once the government issues an order, it will certainly dictate which household must surrender how much land, what proportion, and exactly which fields are to be transferred to the state.

No matter who sees such an order landing on them, they will feel uncomfortable.

Open and covert resistance is inevitable; this is simply human nature seeking profit and avoiding harm.

To push the policy forward with force, shedding blood is unavoidable; we need a dedicated army to handle this.

"I have already ordered the training of a new force, the Tax‑Guard Regiment, three thousand strong, led by Cui Qianyou.

"He will cooperate with you; the specifics of how to operate are for you to take full charge of.

"The minimum is thirty percent, the maximum fifty percent; some of the land must be transferred to the families of the Silver‑Lance Effectiveness Army.

We can appropriately give some salt vouchers as compensation.

Furthermore, future salt vouchers must include a deferred redemption date, such as three months, half a year, or a year.

After all, even though there is plenty of sea salt, it still takes time to dry it out.

A soft hand first, then a hard hand; by then there won't be so many rebels.

Fang Chongyong instructed Liu Yan.

He had privately researched that, on the surface, feudal states implement the equal‑field system, giving rise to the "self‑cultivating farmer" class, which seems to handle land distribution reasonably.

But this viewpoint only considers distribution, neglecting the production side of the problem.

It cannot be denied that self‑cultivating farmers have very poor risk resistance, extremely low efficiency, and their per‑acre yields often fall short of landlords' estates. Their farming techniques are uneven, generally low‑level, and they also lack agricultural tools.

Indeed, farming requires skill and professional tools; it can even be called a "technology‑intensive" tough job.

The farming techniques possessed by self‑cultivating farmers are far inferior to those of aristocratic landlords, let alone any inheritance.

In the feudal era, the central court would have the chief local officials guide agriculture to achieve harvests, treating it as a notable achievement and one of the assessment criteria.

In other words, forcibly converting feudal estates into a self‑cultivating farmer model might be fairer in distribution, but in terms of productivity it is a historical regression.

Therefore, this time Fang Chongyong did not crudely implement "land division" to expand the self‑cultivating farmer class.

Although that would be easier.

Fang Chongyong tried to separate land "ownership" from "cultivation rights", and wanted to test a "production brigade" model so that farming experience and knowledge could be passed down, linking it with the families of the Yinqiang Xiaojie Army.

Of course, Bianliang City is not yet completed, so a supporting model can be used: in a planned area, designate a zone for the army families to build uniform dwellings.

This also facilitates administration.

A series of measures aim to create a new class with land cultivation rights, naturally positioning them opposite the landlord elite and ensuring the armed forces' loyalty!

Yes, loyalty to Fang, not Prince Yong Li Lin.

Having control over the means of production allows continued advancement of the property registration required by the Two‑tax law, implementing tax collection based on acre ownership.

Advancing a little each year, the accumulation over time will gradually bring tax revenue under control!

Seeing Fang Chongyong staring off, Liu Yan whispered:

"Jiedushi, the shops along Bianzhou's dock are chaotic; I recommend a reorganization, categorizing goods and establishing several dedicated markets.

Building markets first and then the city is a natural progression; it will eventually become a great metropolis.

It also makes it easier for the magistrate's office to collect commercial taxes!"

Waiving docking fees aims to lower logistics costs and attract more merchants and travelers, but in Bianzhou, running a shop without commercial tax is impossible; otherwise, where would the government's revenue come from?

Liu Yan's administrative experience is extremely seasoned; the proposals are almost all insightful.

Fang Chongyong came to his senses, nodded, and said, "Very good, let's do it that way."

Strengthening commodity economy in well‑connected areas is a good "prosper the state, strengthen the army" strategy. Training troops aside, raising government revenue comes first; without money, everything is just empty talk.

After Liu Yan left, Fang Chongyong checked this month's ledger; since the Yinqiang Xiaojie Army returned to Bianzhou, the government's commercial tax receipts have risen noticeably compared to previous months, clearly because more people are optimistic about Bianzhou's future.

Such a flourishing scene further bolstered Fang Chongyong's confidence.

He refuses to believe he could be defeated by Li Baochen or lose to Shi Siming!